Urban Life in Contemporary China. By Martin King Whyte and William L. Parish. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984. xi, 408 pp. $30.

White, Lynn Τ.

doi:10.2307/2055950

Cited by 26 publications

(40 citation statements)

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“…China is experiencing rapid urbanization and urban development, which has greatly transformed not only the built environment and landscapes but also social relations and urban governance (Friedmann 2005; Logan 2008). At the grassroots level, we witness new residential mobility and urban mosaics that are different from what was described three decades ago by Whyte and Parish (1984) and Walder (1986). These changes are manifested as the end of collective consumption epitomized by state housing and work-unit governance (Wu 2002; Read 2003; Bray 2005; Shieh and Friedmann 2008), increasing diversity of residential design and standards (Wang and Murie 2000; Huang 2004), greater inflow of rural migrants (Fan 2002, 2008; Li, 2006; Zhu and Chen 2010) and the development of their enclaves (Ma and Xiang 1998; Zhang 2001; Zhang, Zhao, and Tian 2003), residential segregation based on housing tenures (Li and Wu 2008; Li et al 2010) and separation between migrants and urban households (Wu 2004), and neighborhood social changes (Wu and He 2005; Forrest and Yip 2007).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 80%

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Neighborhood Attachment, Social Participation, and Willingness to Stay in China’s Low-Income Communities

2012

Urban Affairs Review

132

141

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Neighborhood attachment is an important factor that determines political and civic participation, which further help to enhance neighborhood stability. This article explores this argument in the context of Chinese cities. Contrary to common perception, although rural migrants do not identify themselves with the places where they live and do not actively participate in community activities, they express a relatively strong willingness to stay in these places. In contrast, the unemployed or retired urban residents actively participate in community activities but prefer to leave if possible. This article argues that the relation between neighborhood attachment and neighborhood stability is not straightforward, and in this context it is largely determined by the institutional design that excludes migrants’ involvement, turning them into “economic sojourners.”

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 80%

“…There has been considerable interest in neighborhood governance and social stability in China (e.g., Whyte and Parish 1984). Rapid urbanization in China is likely to transform the territorially bonded society that was maintained under state socialism.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Neighborhood Attachment, Social Participation, and Willingness to Stay in China’s Low-Income Communities

2012

Urban Affairs Review

132

141

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“…China’s major housing allocation mechanism before 1978 was state redistribution . Most urbanites rented their flats from their work-units ( danwei ) and municipal governments (Whyte and Parish, 1984). The private-rental sector and the property market were virtually eliminated.…”

Section: Market Transition and China’s Changing Housing Regimementioning

confidence: 99%

Pathways to homeownership among young professionals in urban China: The role of family resources

2017

Urban Studies

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Studies on China’s new housing regime primarily focus on state and market as major provision mechanisms and the role of family assistance is largely ignored. This paper explores how family resources help Chinese young professionals in their pathways to homeownership by drawing on qualitative interviews done in Beijing. It was found that young professionals who managed to secure parental help usually came from middle-class families, with parents who were public-sector professionals and managers benefiting from the state’s generous housing reforms in the 1990s. As a result of these intergenerational transfers, housing advantages of these middle-class parents were reproduced among their younger generation, making it easier for them to become homeowners. They might also exacerbate the pre-existing housing inequality. These transfers were made possible in the unique family context with frequent reciprocal exchanges of help and care, which was strengthened by the country’s one-child policy. The new housing regime, characterised by the neoliberal shift of the state’s role and the house price inflation, also enhanced the necessity of relying on family resources.

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“…Along with the class transformation, the party-state used its discursive power to move women closer to the center of the public sphere, creating imageries of ‘new women’ firmly located in the blue-collar working class (Chen, 2003). To further mobilize female resources, the party-state made a deliberate effort to create woman-friendly working environments by providing accessible daycare and other types of services (Whyte and Parish, 1984), pursuing ‘equal-work-equal-pay’ policies, and most of all, by recognizing women’s employment as heroic socialist deeds (Chen, 2003; Rofel, 1999). Women’s expanded social roles had led urban women to craft their identities around nationalism and socialism (Rofel, 1999), despite lingering effects of male privileges in both paid and domestic spheres (Wolf, 1985).…”

Section: China’s Market Reform Labor Denigration and Resistancementioning

confidence: 99%

Understanding Urban Women’s Domestic-Role Orientation in Post-Mao China

Zuo

2012

Critical Sociology

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The present study examines the trend of urban women's domestic role orientation in the wake of market transition in post-Mao China. During the 2005-7 period, we conducted in-depth interviews with 115 married women, who either currently held a job or had retreated to the home from workplaces, of both Mao and post-Mao cohorts in four large cities. It is found that women's growing domestic orientation mainly stems from labor commodification and denigration, as the party-state scaled back its welfare provisions and commitment to social justice, on the one hand, and unleashed market forces, on the other. Therefore, women's domestic orientation, rather than a mere reflection of persistent traditional culture, may be seen as their refusal to be commodified and passive resistance to labor denigration in the new age of economic liberalism. The findings also bear feminist and class implications of complex dynamics of capitalism.One notable trend invoked by China's post-Mao market reform (1978-) is urban women's growing domestic-role orientation. When compared with the Mao era, women's domestic-role orientation during the post-Mao period appears to re-embrace the separate-sphere ideology of men working mainly outside the household and women working within the household. Specifically, women tend to identify more with their domestic responsibilities than they do with the provider role and, additionally, devote greater energy to household well-being than to paid work. According to two national surveys on women's social status in China conducted in 1990 respectively (Jiang, 2006Tao and Jiang, 1995), the percentage of women who supported the separatesphere ideal rose from 44.8 percent to 50.4 percent; the amount of time that urban women spent in domestic tasks relative to that of their husbands went from 1.74 to 2.79 times higher. At the same

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Urban Life in Contemporary China. By Martin King Whyte and William L. Parish. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984. xi, 408 pp. $30.

Cited by 26 publications

References 0 publications

Neighborhood Attachment, Social Participation, and Willingness to Stay in China’s Low-Income Communities

Neighborhood Attachment, Social Participation, and Willingness to Stay in China’s Low-Income Communities

Pathways to homeownership among young professionals in urban China: The role of family resources

Understanding Urban Women’s Domestic-Role Orientation in Post-Mao China

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