Abstract:How do social innovations come to the fore? Are they exclusively based on the entrepreneurial spirit of change makers? And what makes social innovations work? Can a solid business plan make innovations sustainable? In other words, does survival of the fittest also hold true for social innovations? From this Darwinist perspective, social innovations are perceived as new products geared towards addressing new societal needs in competitive markets. We question whether this perspective, based on microeconomics, re… Show more
“…For social innovations to emerge, develop, and stabilize, a set of coalition-building opportunities for actors and certain framework parameters must be present (such as the institutional context, welfare regime context, and local political culture) (Cattacin and Zimmer 2016). In this context, urban living labs may offer a platform and a flexible approach to start building such coalitions and to increase connectivity among different actors within the urban area, which will be necessary for more systemic transformative changes (see Westley et al 2006;Westley 2013).…”
Section: Bridging the Gap Between Public Policy Governance Urban LImentioning
Cities have long been recognized as potential hubs of knowledge, social and cultural diversity, jobs, education, public services, and infrastructure (see Scott 1997 ; Kong 2007 ; Sassen 2011). Alongside these opportunities, however, cities also face a changing climate, reduced availability of raw materials and natural resources, and dwindling physical space for the built environment. These challenges are accompanied by increasing disparities in income and resultant social inequalities; mounting threats to human health, well-being, and food security; growing refugee and migration infl uxes; and demographic changes (for example, Coutard et al. 2014 ; Zhou 2000). These concerns and associated governance challenges increase the urgency for new socially, ecologically, and culturally sensitive approaches to urban development. Such approaches need not only to reduce human vulnerability and environmental footprints, but also to build social cohesion and support ecological sustainability, cultural integration, and the establishment of a shared identity between citizens within a just system of distribution and access to urban resources and wealth (Duxbury et al. 2016). Conventional public sector models for urban governance are often unexpected or too overstretched to adequately respond to the severity, urgency, and complexity of the outlined challenges (Kieboom 2014). Against this framework and a growing movement for citizen participation in governance processes (for example, Lowndes et al. 2001 ; Bai et al. 2010 ; Rosol 2010), many actors are working to transform urban governance to ensure that a greater diversity of voices are accounted for in decision-making processes and urban initiatives. One of the many ways in which urban actors have begun to (re)organize is via the creation of "urban living laboratories," or simply "urban living labs." Such labs exist across North and South America,
“…For social innovations to emerge, develop, and stabilize, a set of coalition-building opportunities for actors and certain framework parameters must be present (such as the institutional context, welfare regime context, and local political culture) (Cattacin and Zimmer 2016). In this context, urban living labs may offer a platform and a flexible approach to start building such coalitions and to increase connectivity among different actors within the urban area, which will be necessary for more systemic transformative changes (see Westley et al 2006;Westley 2013).…”
Section: Bridging the Gap Between Public Policy Governance Urban LImentioning
Cities have long been recognized as potential hubs of knowledge, social and cultural diversity, jobs, education, public services, and infrastructure (see Scott 1997 ; Kong 2007 ; Sassen 2011). Alongside these opportunities, however, cities also face a changing climate, reduced availability of raw materials and natural resources, and dwindling physical space for the built environment. These challenges are accompanied by increasing disparities in income and resultant social inequalities; mounting threats to human health, well-being, and food security; growing refugee and migration infl uxes; and demographic changes (for example, Coutard et al. 2014 ; Zhou 2000). These concerns and associated governance challenges increase the urgency for new socially, ecologically, and culturally sensitive approaches to urban development. Such approaches need not only to reduce human vulnerability and environmental footprints, but also to build social cohesion and support ecological sustainability, cultural integration, and the establishment of a shared identity between citizens within a just system of distribution and access to urban resources and wealth (Duxbury et al. 2016). Conventional public sector models for urban governance are often unexpected or too overstretched to adequately respond to the severity, urgency, and complexity of the outlined challenges (Kieboom 2014). Against this framework and a growing movement for citizen participation in governance processes (for example, Lowndes et al. 2001 ; Bai et al. 2010 ; Rosol 2010), many actors are working to transform urban governance to ensure that a greater diversity of voices are accounted for in decision-making processes and urban initiatives. One of the many ways in which urban actors have begun to (re)organize is via the creation of "urban living laboratories," or simply "urban living labs." Such labs exist across North and South America,
“…As outlined in the previous chapter (Cattacin and Zimmer 2015), governance of cooperation is characterized by the continuous search for synergies between economic and social policies. Although the search for investments constitutes the driving force of city politics, actors in Münster are sensible not to lose contact with the social domain.…”
Section: Münster's "Governance Of Cooperation"mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This chapter has described the local welfare regime and a limited set of social innovations in Malmö in the context of an urban governance arrangement that could be categorized as the governance of social challenges (Cattacin and Zimmer 2015). In addition to highlighting common features and ongoing social and economic transformations, the chapter has analysed and identified the clearings (shadowed, guarded, and abandoned clearings) that proved fertile for developing the highlighted three social innovations.…”
Section: Shifting Scenerymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Some argue that social innovations are primarily established as the result of the innovative nature of individual entrepreneurs (Hansson et al 2014;Fagerberg 2006). The chapters of this book, in contrast, focus less on these types of micro-level explanations and more on how social innovations are connected to local welfare governance and politics (Cattacin and Zimmer 2015). With the support of a policy coalition framework (Sabatier , 1999, local development and the formation of social innovations are studied in relation to local power structures and discourses.…”
mentioning
confidence: 98%
“…Firstly, we will present a case study of the city of Malmö that will serve as an illustration of how urban governance arrangements provide structures for social innovations and where Malmö is categorized as an example of the governance of social challenges (Cattacin and Zimmer 2015). By governance of social challenges, Cattacin and Zimmer imply an urban governance arrangement in which stateoriented initiatives in coordination with private non-profits develop social policies and could serve as a fertile environment for social innovations.…”
This chapter explores the character and specificity of Impact Hub Birmingham (IHB) through the lens of its online presentation, assessing its objectives, organisation and activities. Analysis frames IHB in terms of its status as social enterprise, detailing how this manifestation of 'the hub' idea engages individuals in debate and supports a particular idea of entrepreneurship that connects to wider of issues and urban disjuncture. The chapter explores the specificity of Birmingham as a setting for IHB and its commitment to place in relation to a discussion of the hub and co-working idea. A penultimate section locates projects cultivated within IHB in the context of critical perspectives on social enterprise initiatives. Conclusions reflect on the ambition of this iteration of the Impact Hub network, as well as the commitment and verve of its participants that offers a progressive space for social innovation whatever its limits in addressing the city's considerable social and economic problems.
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