Recent research suggests that racial and poverty concentrations in urban neighborhoods in uence how minorities look for and nd jobs. In this study, we use data from the Multi-City Survey of Urban Inequality to examine this hypothesis, focusing on the use and return to various modes of job matching among blacks and LatA long line of research in the sociology of labor markets established that individuals often acquire jobs through personal contacts rather than through formal channels (see Granovetter 1995 for a recent review). In other words, whom you know shapes your potential for employment and mobility, particularly toward the bottom of urban labor markets (Elliott 2000). Recently this argument has been invoked to understand the deleterious effects of disadvantaged neighborhoods on working-age, minority residents. Wilson (1987Wilson ( , 1996, for example, argued that poor, predominantly black neighborhoods tend to isolate workers from social contacts needed to succeed in today's urban labor markets, serving to reinforce pre-existing inequalities and contribute to the growth of an urban underclass.The recent and widespread appeal of this argument masks the fact that we still know relatively little about the intersection of race, place, and job matching. In part, this de ciency stems from recent preoccupations with "spatial mismatches" of available jobs and inner-city job seekers-preoccupations that downplay the social mechanisms by which individuals actually learn about and acquire employment. When these social mechanisms are highlighted, evidence continues to underscore the importance of personal networks for nding work. For example, in a recent study of the Red Hook neighborhood of Brooklyn, Kasinitz and Rosenberg (1996) found that local blue-collar jobs are regularly lled via social networks that exclude nearby, minority residents (see also Aponte 1996;Cohn and Fossett 1996).Survey research on personal networks and job matching could help to illuminate these dynamics and their generalizability across neighborhood contexts, but to date, this researchWe would like to thank Joel Devine, Jim Wright, members of the Tulane Research Group, and anonymous reviewers for comments on earlier versions of this research. Direct correspondence to: James Elliott, Department of Sociology, 220 Newcomb Hall, Tulane University, New Orleans, LA 70118. E-mail: jre@tulane.edu.
342ELLIOTT/SIMS has largely ignored the relevance of residential location for shaping both the quantity and quality of available job contacts. Thus, the in uence of neighborhood context on labor market behaviors and outcomes remains poorly documented and ill understood. The purpose of the present study is to help ll this gap by examining the extent to which different neighborhood contexts-de ned by racial and poverty concentration-affect the ways in which blacks and Latinos look for and acquire jobs in major U.S. cities. Our objective is to illuminate not only the social underpinnings of today's urban labor markets, but also how residential segregation shapes ...