“…The critique here follows a pattern that is similar to the previous vignette, a tacit framing of oppressed people as defenseless and devoid of agency while also quick to point out supposed gaps or excesses. The students’ responses underscored neoliberal, individualizing discourses that focused narrowly on biases or individual errors, rather than systemic racism (Hollinsworth, ; Raby, ). These responses are characterized by a struggle to contend with the deeply structural character of racial inequalities, viewing those as sporadic, a function of individual differences, and minimizing the role of race (alluding to our failure as a society).…”
Section: Coloniality Of “Community:” Examples From the Classroommentioning
This article endeavors to craft pathways that disrupt dominant modes of knowledge production and imagine nonhierarchical epistemic possibilities in teaching community psychology. The first section of the article discusses how the decolonial turn inspires new ways of advancing the critical social justice agenda of community psychology. Drawing upon decolonial frameworks and allied critical theories, I outline how coloniality is entrenched in the ways we theorize, research, and teach about “communities”—and the importance of decolonizing the construct of community in community psychology. The second section presents three vignettes capturing student responses to endeavors in the classroom to dismantle notions of community‐as‐Other. I interpret these vignettes through a decolonial perspective in order to highlight how colonial discourses of community can be produced and potentially maintained in the classroom context. The third section outlines some pedagogical and curricular recommendations as a possible pathway toward decolonizing notions of community. I conclude with some questions/provocations geared toward advancing decolonial and liberatory praxis in community psychology.
“…The critique here follows a pattern that is similar to the previous vignette, a tacit framing of oppressed people as defenseless and devoid of agency while also quick to point out supposed gaps or excesses. The students’ responses underscored neoliberal, individualizing discourses that focused narrowly on biases or individual errors, rather than systemic racism (Hollinsworth, ; Raby, ). These responses are characterized by a struggle to contend with the deeply structural character of racial inequalities, viewing those as sporadic, a function of individual differences, and minimizing the role of race (alluding to our failure as a society).…”
Section: Coloniality Of “Community:” Examples From the Classroommentioning
This article endeavors to craft pathways that disrupt dominant modes of knowledge production and imagine nonhierarchical epistemic possibilities in teaching community psychology. The first section of the article discusses how the decolonial turn inspires new ways of advancing the critical social justice agenda of community psychology. Drawing upon decolonial frameworks and allied critical theories, I outline how coloniality is entrenched in the ways we theorize, research, and teach about “communities”—and the importance of decolonizing the construct of community in community psychology. The second section presents three vignettes capturing student responses to endeavors in the classroom to dismantle notions of community‐as‐Other. I interpret these vignettes through a decolonial perspective in order to highlight how colonial discourses of community can be produced and potentially maintained in the classroom context. The third section outlines some pedagogical and curricular recommendations as a possible pathway toward decolonizing notions of community. I conclude with some questions/provocations geared toward advancing decolonial and liberatory praxis in community psychology.
“…Originally coined in relation to race inequity in England (Gillborn, , pp. 65–68), ‘gap talk’ has subsequently been critiqued internationally, including in the USA, Canada and Australia (Lingard, ; Harrison, ; Lingard et al ., ; Martino & Rezai‐Rashti, ; Butler, ; Hollinsworth, ; Rudolph, ; Vass & Chalmers, ). The following examples of gap talk are each taken from official statements that claim significant progress in relation to the race equality in English schools:… there has been a clear expectation that policies aimed at raising attainment levels amongst pupils from disadvantaged backgrounds will disproportionately benefit ethnic minorities … Indeed, some evaluations report that these programmes are already having positive impacts on ethnic minority groups.…”
Section: Discussion: Sustained Race Inequity Over a Quarter Of A Centurymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Originally coined in relation to race inequity in England (Gillborn, 2008, pp. 65-68), 'gap talk' has subsequently been critiqued internationally, including in the USA, Canada and Australia (Lingard, 2011;Harrison, 2012;Lingard et al, 2012;Martino & Rezai-Rashti, 2013;Butler, 2015;Hollinsworth, 2016;Rudolph, 2016;Vass & Chalmers, 2016). The following examples of gap talk are each taken from official statements that claim significant progress in relation to the race equality in English schools:…”
Section: 'Gap Talk' Education Policy and The Stephen Lawrence Inquirymentioning
Drawing on a secondary analysis of official statistics, this paper examines the changing scale of the inequality of achievement between White students and their Black British peers who identify their family heritage as Black Caribbean. We examine a 25‐year period from the introduction of the General Certificate of Secondary Education (GCSE), in 1988, to the 20th anniversary of the murder of Stephen Lawrence in 2013. It is the first time that the Black/White gap has been analysed over such a long period. The paper reviews the changing place of the Black/White gap in education debates and notes that, despite periods when race equality has appeared to be high on the political agenda, it has never held a consistent place at the heart of policy. Our findings shed light on how the Black/White gap is directly affected, often in negative ways, by changes in education policy. Specifically, whenever the key benchmark for achievement has been redefined, it has had the effect of restoring historic levels of race inequity; in essence, policy interventions to ‘raise the bar’ by toughening the benchmark have actively widened gaps and served to maintain Black disadvantage. Throughout the entire 25‐year period, White students were always at least one and a half times more likely to attain the dominant benchmark than their Black peers. Our findings highlight the need for a sustained and explicit focus on race inequity in education policy. To date, the negative impacts of policy changes have been much more certain and predictable than occasional attempts to reduce race inequality.
“…Scholars suggest the need to interrogate the 'culture of whiteness' in schools and its double hegemonic bind by which racial difference is constructed as a scientific/ natural category and marked as other in relation to whitened norms of neutrality, transparency and universality, assumed to be non-racial (McLaren 1995, Giroux 1997, McIntyre 2002. Posing as an unmarked or invisible category, whiteness thereby facilitates non-ethnic (and uncritical) explanations for enduring educational differentials, usually premised on 'culturalist' differences (Reay et al 2007, Hollinsworth 2014. Moreover, multicultural and anti-racist initiatives can become complicit in reproducing a whitened and western epistemological standard (and dominant forms of pedagogy) against which indigenous and ethnic minority knowledges and methodologies are contrasted as marginal and inferior, without reference to unequal power relations.…”
In this paper, we draw on critical geographies and sociologies of race and education to explore ways in which the meanings and conducts of whiteness are reproduced in and through Chilean secondary education in an indigenous-majority area. We focus on links between socio-economic, geographical and racial criteria to understand how the privileges of whiteness are naturalised in the region's educational provision and among Mapuche indigenous pupils. Although socio-economic inequalities are widely recognised to structure inequality between young people in Chile, we highlight the pervasiveness and unmarked nature of whiteness in the educational system in relation to the socio-spatial segregation of Mapuche pupils, secondary teachers' attitudes and young peoples' self-positioning in the nation. These combine to marginalise and disempower Mapuche populations across the landscape of rural secondary schools in the Araucanía region of Chile.Across a number of countries, scholars have interrogated the ways in which reforms to eradicate explicitly racist forms of education are undermined by the privileging of a normative whiteness inscribed within the national imaginary. 'Settler societies' premised on structurally and historically embedded forms of domination and white racisms of European-descent over indigenous populations are contexts in which these processes are especially pronounced (Stasiulis and Yuval-Davis 1995;Razack 2002). In connection with these settings and education issues of ethnic diversity and equity, we focus on the case of southern Chile, where rural secondary schools are stereotyped
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