Abstract:This chapter discusses intergenerational class mobility, which is the extent to which sons — and even daughters — follow in their father's footsteps. It asks how ‘open’ India is, and whether it is becoming more ‘open’ with greater equality of opportunity as it slowly modernises. The discussion is limited to the patterns of intergenerational mobility of men and women who are actually in paid employment.
“…Caste … provides networks necessary for contracts, for subcontracting and for labour recruitment within the informal economy … liberalisation makes these caste-based relationships more important because it places a new premium on the advancement of interests … caste is ultimately connected with all the other organizations of civil society that comprehensively regulate economic and social life. (2003: 178-179) The limited volume of empirical literature currently available on social mobility in India reinforces the point that caste indeed works to block those located at the lower end of caste hierarchy (Kumar, et al, 2002;Thorat and Attewell, 2007;Thorat and Newman, 2010;Vaid and Heath, 2010). Even when the cultural or ideological hold of caste disappears, the real possibility of vertical social and economic mobility remains rather limited.…”
Section: Declining Hierarchy Persisting Inequality and The Reproduction Of Caste Todaymentioning
Social science literature on caste tends to view it as a peculiar institution of the Hindus, emanating from their past tradition and religious beliefs/scriptures. This view also presumes that the processes of urbanization and industrialization, unleashing the process of modernization, will end caste, eventually producing a shift from a closed system of social hierarchy to an open system of social stratification based on individual achievement, merit and hard work. Drawing from a large volume of recent writings the author argues in this article that this approach to the understanding of caste is based on an assumption of Indian exceptionalism. Such an orientalist view of caste also denies the possibility of deploying the framework of caste for understanding caste-like ascriptive hierarchies that exist in many other (if not all) societies. Some of the recent theorizations of caste could perhaps provide useful conceptual tools for developing a comparative understanding of social inequalities.
“…Caste … provides networks necessary for contracts, for subcontracting and for labour recruitment within the informal economy … liberalisation makes these caste-based relationships more important because it places a new premium on the advancement of interests … caste is ultimately connected with all the other organizations of civil society that comprehensively regulate economic and social life. (2003: 178-179) The limited volume of empirical literature currently available on social mobility in India reinforces the point that caste indeed works to block those located at the lower end of caste hierarchy (Kumar, et al, 2002;Thorat and Attewell, 2007;Thorat and Newman, 2010;Vaid and Heath, 2010). Even when the cultural or ideological hold of caste disappears, the real possibility of vertical social and economic mobility remains rather limited.…”
Section: Declining Hierarchy Persisting Inequality and The Reproduction Of Caste Todaymentioning
Social science literature on caste tends to view it as a peculiar institution of the Hindus, emanating from their past tradition and religious beliefs/scriptures. This view also presumes that the processes of urbanization and industrialization, unleashing the process of modernization, will end caste, eventually producing a shift from a closed system of social hierarchy to an open system of social stratification based on individual achievement, merit and hard work. Drawing from a large volume of recent writings the author argues in this article that this approach to the understanding of caste is based on an assumption of Indian exceptionalism. Such an orientalist view of caste also denies the possibility of deploying the framework of caste for understanding caste-like ascriptive hierarchies that exist in many other (if not all) societies. Some of the recent theorizations of caste could perhaps provide useful conceptual tools for developing a comparative understanding of social inequalities.
“…Their object of study effectively forces them to conceptualize the social space as a whole. Following on from the work by Bam Dev Sharda (1977), Edwin and Aloo Driver (1987) and many others, Sanjay Kumar, Anthony Heath and Oliver Heath (2002) as well as Divya Vaid's work represents another crucial step forward (Vaid 2012;Vaid and Heath 2010). In order to measure movement between social classes, these works are based on a schema of five main classes that allow us to apprehend Indian society as a whole.…”
Section: Arguments In Favor Of a Unified Approach To The Indian Social Spacementioning
“…In contrast, scholarship on the relationship between caste and status continuity oftentimes lumps SC and ST together. While generalisations about these most disadvantaged populations highlight the failure of government reservations to establish equal competition between unequal social actors (Vaid & Heath, 2010, p. 156), it obscures the relative differences between low-castes and often high-caste tribals. By generalising about ‘SC/ST’ populations, it places the emphasis on their status relative to high castes and OBCs; it also suggests an equality-in-difference that obscures how caste exclusion operates within tribes.…”
Section: ‘Scheduled Tribe Dalit’: An Emergent Intersectional Identitymentioning
While the term ‘tribalism’ in the West draws from outmoded anthropological theory to describe the hardening of partisan group boundaries, in Himachal Pradesh it describes the contested recognition of caste heterogeneity within Scheduled Tribes (ST). Based on 15 months of fieldwork among Gaddis, this article seeks to understand the intersectionality of low-caste groups embedded within tribal formations, partially assimilated, unevenly accepted and without legal protections afforded to other marginalised communities. I argue that recognising tribal casteism is the first step to theorise tribal multiculturalism and the ever-contested broadening of communal boundaries. By tracking the discourse of ‘Scheduled Tribe Dalit’ (STD) in the Western Himalayas, this article analyses the looping effect between emic belonging and the role of state ethnology in incentivising difference.
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