Undocumented status as a social determinant of occupational safety and health: The workers’ perspective

Abstract

Background Undocumented immigration to the United States has grown dramatically over the past 25 years. This study explores undocumented status as a social determinant of occupational health by examining its perceived consequences on workplace safety of Latino immigrants. Methods Guided by the Theory of Work Adjustment, qualitative analysis was conducted on transcripts from focus groups and individual interviews conducted with a convenience sample of Latino immigrant workers. Results Participants reported that unauthorized status negatively impacted their safety at work and resulted in a degree of alienation that exceeded the specific proscriptions of the law. Participants overwhelming used a strategy of disengagement to cope with the challenges they face as undocumented immigrants. Conclusion This study describes the complex web of consequences resulting from undocumented status and its impact on occupational health. This study presents a framework connecting the daily work experiences of immigrants, the coping strategy of disengagement, and efforts to minimize the impact of structural violence.

Labour Trafficking among Men and Boys in the Greater Mekong Subregion: Exploitation, Violence, Occupational Health Risks and Injuries

“…Furthermore, migrants, particularly irregular migrants, are rarely aware of or willing to assert their rights to safe work conditions. Migrant workers with undocumented status in the USA, for example were generally accepting of unsafe work conditions, extended hours and even concealed injuries, fearing job loss if they complained [3,14,15]. Workers without identity documents are often excluded from compensation and insurance schemes, leaving them unable to seek necessary healthcare and support [14,16,17].…”

“…Migrant workers with undocumented status in the USA, for example were generally accepting of unsafe work conditions, extended hours and even concealed injuries, fearing job loss if they complained [3,14,15]. Workers without identity documents are often excluded from compensation and insurance schemes, leaving them unable to seek necessary healthcare and support [14,16,17]. Exiting hazardous situations can be difficult for migrant workers because of debt repayment obligations and because they are often owed back-pay by employers [3,15].…”

When They're Done with You: Legal Violence and Structural Vulnerability among Injured Immigrant Poultry Workers

“…However, critical medical anthropologists have argued exhaustively against a narrow focus on “risk factors” and behavioral or cultural modifications, long noting that “this framing uncritically assumes the unfettered agency of vulnerable populations, endowing their behaviors with a misplaced sense of autonomy” and control over the work process (Horton , 4) (c.f. Castañeda et al ; Farmer ; Flynn et al ; Quesada et al ). A consideration of risk in the absence of attention to social inequality “signals an individualistic, non‐contextualized approach to explaining and changing distribution of adverse health outcomes” (Krieger ), and fails to recognize risk—unevenly distributed in ways that disproportionately impact the health and well‐being of immigrants, women, and working people of color—as a condition of neoliberalism's very existence (Smith‐Nonini , 461, drawing on Ulrich Beck ).…”

Differences in safety training among smaller and larger construction firms with non-native workers: Evidence of overlapping vulnerabilities

“…Each vulnerability has characteristics that add unique barriers to the worker’s occupational safety and health (OSH). For example, a non-native worker may fear deportation for reporting unsafe conditions [Flynn et al, 2015] and younger workers may accept work injuries as “part of the job” because of their inexperience and lack of job control [Breslin et al, 2007]. OSH vulnerability may also intensify existing barriers to safety that are common for all workers, such as lack of training in small businesses due to financial constraints [Cunningham et al, 2014].…”

“…In 2013, approximately 122,000 foreign-born Hispanics employed in construction were 16–24 years of age, and from 2009 to 2013, just under half of all young Hispanic immigrants in construction worked for a very small business. Additionally, according to estimates based on the National Health Interview Survey [CDC, 2013], approximately two-thirds of Hispanic construction workers in the United States in 2013 were not citizens, a factor that has been identified as a possible contributor to occupational health disparities among immigrants [Liebman et al, 2016; Flynn et al, 2015]. These survey data also indicate nearly one quarter (23.5%) of all U.S. Hispanic construction workers have been on the job for less than a year, and nearly three quarters (70.4%) have been on the job for less than 5 years.…”