Understanding the Policy Drivers and Effects of Voting Age Reform

The lessons of 1969: policy learning, policy memory and voting age reform

“…The principal policy objective in 1969 to synchronise and reify 18 as the age of adulthood has proved largely successful over the past 50 years. The age of majority established in the late 1960s has remained static and public opinion concurs that 18 is the age mostly commonly associated with adulthood (Mycock et al, 2020). Indeed, policy-makers have continued to coalesce protective, civic, and welfare rights around the age of 18.…”

“…Those opposed to 'Votes-at-16' have argued a review of the ages of majority should be undertaken and improved universal provision of citizenship education should be introduced before any further reform of the voting age. Advocates of voting age reform have alternatively argued that these initiatives should be undertaken but only after lowering the franchise age to 16 (Mycock et al, 2020). The Electoral Commission also reviewed whether the age of candidacy should also be lowered from 21 to 18.…”

“…The failure of the Scottish Government to undertake evaluation of the introduction of 'Votes-at-16' has had cross-national implications, particularly in countries that have sought to follow the example of Scotland and lower the age of enfranchisement in some or all elections (Mycock et al, 2020). For example, evidence gathering in Wales undertaken in 2018 signposted the turnout of three-quarters of 16-17 year-olds in Scotland in 2014 but chose to highlight their increased turnout in subsequent Scottish elections when compared with 18-24 year-olds rather than the continued deficit with older cohorts or the overall electorate.…”

“…As the Welsh Assembly Expert Panel (McAllister et al, 2018: 187) concluded, While comparisons between the ages at which young people acquire rights and responsibilities, or start to exercise those rights and responsibilities, may be relevant, we do not find them compelling in making the case for or against a reduction in the voting age'. This noted, the wider implications of 16-17 year-olds being 'adults in the making' with fewer rights that 'adult' voters, and thus being seen as 'second-class citizens', in terms of the cohesion of the electorate as a whole has yet to be considered (Mycock et al, 2020) In Scotland, significant -if not universal -public support for 'Votes-at-16' and backing from all the main Scottish political parties, meaning it is highly unlikely that there will be any attempts at repeal. The picture elsewhere is more complicated.…”

Public opinion, political partisanship and the Votes-at-16 debate in the United Kingdom

“…The role of public opinion is, however, peripheral in such debates, possibly because the general public has appeared substantially opposed, but largely apathetic, towards the issue (Birch et al, 2014; Chan and Clayton, 2006). This has led to contentions that the bespoke and partial lowering of the voting age across the United Kingdom has – thus far – been largely driven by political elites in a ‘top-down’ manner, with scant acknowledgement of, or reference to, the views of the general public (Loughran et al, 2019; Mycock et al, 2020).…”