Understanding regime divergence in the post‐uprising Arab states

Hinnebusch, Raymond

doi:10.1111/johs.12190

Cited by 18 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 25 publications

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“…Of all the countries of the Arab spring, only one country eventually transitioned toward a more democratic form of regime: Tunisia. By contrast, in Egypt, the other country that symbolized the youth's capacity to spearhead political protests, the Mubarak regime fell, only to be replaced (after a short interim) by a regime that has become as oppressive as, if not more oppressive than, the previous one (Abdalla, 2016;Hinnebusch, 2018). A similar fate was met by the young Turkish demonstrators of Gezi Park in 2013, hoping to democratize what nonetheless became a strongman authoritarian regime in Turkey (Erdog ˘an & Uyan-Semerci, 2017; Öktem & Akkoyunlu, 2016).…”

Section: Ype In Non-western Societiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Youth political engagement in adolescence.

Osman

Miranda

Jourde

2020

Canadian Psychology / Psychologie canadienne

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Substantial research effort over the past few decades has aimed to explain how young people understand, feel, and participate in politics. However, this growing literature remains fragmented across several research disciplines, including psychology. This article proposes youth political engagement (YPE) as a concept that can be used to capture the varying forms of political expressions under a unifying theme in adolescence. The objectives of this review are to define YPE, to outline the conceptual structure of YPE, to consider how YPE may develop from diverse antecedents, and to offer directions for future research. Overall, YPE offers a unifying theme of research to better understand the political sphere of adolescent development.

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Section: Ype In Non-western Societiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Youth political engagement in adolescence.

Osman

Miranda

Jourde

2020

Canadian Psychology / Psychologie canadienne

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“…A different political approach was adopted, based on fostering regime change, whether peacefully through political and diplomatic pressure, or through military intervention under the pretext of the responsibility to protect the protesters, or through providing military means to confront the regimes. Hinnebusch explained that “ International Intervention : The ‘competitive interference’ of rival powers in Uprising states affected trajectories: the less competitive interference, the better chance of peaceful transition to democracy; the greater the interference, the greater the chances of state failure” (Hinnebusch, 2018, p. 2).…”

Section: The International Community's Response To the Arab Springmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Arab uprising: A decade of transformations and challenges

Gady

2024

Development Policy Review

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MotivationA decade has passed since the outbreak of the so‐called Arab Spring, which led to regime changes in several Arab countries. However, these public protests demonstrated their ineffectiveness in bringing about political and economic improvements, nor did they facilitate a peaceful transition to democracy in Arab countries.PurposeThis article attempts to discuss the obstacles to democratic transformation in Arab countries and the methods that should be followed to achieve democratic transformation, along with showing the international community's response to the Arab Spring.Approach and methodsThis article relies on a descriptive, methodological, and analytical approach to the obstacles to democratic transformation in Arab countries by analysing the events and results of the Arab Spring.FindingsThe democratic transformation in Arab countries does not require as much concerted effort to protect the right to peaceful assembly as it does to safeguard other rights from violations resulting from certain practices. This is primarily due to significant differences between ideological, intellectual, and political groups within society. Furthermore, democratic transformation in Arab countries necessitates the collective efforts of the international community, particularly Western nations such as the United States, employing a credible and transparent approach free from political or economic interests. These external factors are crucial when it comes to either facilitating or hindering the democratic transition and the implementation of democratic reforms.Policy implicationsThe Arab Spring showed that peaceful democratic transitions and the conditions for the continuation or replacement of authoritarian regimes require the approval and support of some countries that are devoid of political or economic interests, as they are external factors that can influence and hinder the democratic transition or ensure democratic reforms. This is especially true because public protests are no longer simply a sign of resistance to the regime but rather are rather a potential advance warning of rebellion and the overthrow of said regimes.

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“…Contrary to the “pure” primordialists' alleged obsession with some “ancient past,” the relevant past according to this perspective is the modern era and in particular the histories of state formation/nation building in the current Middle Eastern states. In his study of the origins of sectarian identities in Syria and why after 2011 they were mobilized into violence, Phillips (2015; see also Dodge, ; Hinnebusch, ; Saouli, ; Weiss, ), for instance, begins in the late Ottoman era and then examines the role of various actors during different phases of Syrian state building. Others go further back in history.…”

Section: “Where Are We Currently Situated”(ii): the Seductive Third Imentioning

confidence: 99%

Beyond the beyond(s): On the (many) third way(s) beyond primordialism and instrumentalism in the study of sectarianism

Valbjørn

2019

Nations and Nationalism

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This meta‐study examines the nature of past and current theoretically informed debates on sectarian politics in the Middle East and identifies the biggest challenges and possible directions for the future study of sectarianism. Contrary to the conventional narrative about a “sectarian journey” torn between a flawed primordialist and instrumentalist approach in between which a new superior “third way” is needed, the article shows that both primordialism and instrumentalism are rare in the academic debate on sectarianism, quite similar to the broader ethnicity/nationalism debate. However, this has not resulted in a “new conventional wisdom” about how to proceed. Thus, the article identifies a cacophony of suggestions for how the much aspired‐to third way should look like. Against this background, the article suggests that it is time to go beyond the ritual calls to “get beyond primordialism and instrumentalism.” Instead, it is time to devote more attention to examining the multiple already existing suggestions for “third ways”. Rather than highlighting a single third way as superior, the article contributes to this move in two ways: it shows how the various third ways can be grouped into three “beyond strategies” (the New Saviour, the Baby and the Bathwater, and the LEGO eclectic strategies) and outlines a number of meta‐theoretical issues to consider in order to move the debate forward.

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Understanding regime divergence in the post‐uprising Arab states

Cited by 18 publications

References 25 publications

Youth political engagement in adolescence.

Youth political engagement in adolescence.

The Arab uprising: A decade of transformations and challenges

Beyond the beyond(s): On the (many) third way(s) beyond primordialism and instrumentalism in the study of sectarianism

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