Understanding identity processes in support for reactionary and progressive social movements among advantaged and disadvantaged groups: The role of collective narcissism and secure ingroup identity

Marinthe, Gaëlle; Cichocka, Aleksandra; Cislak, Aleksandra; Alexander‐Grose, Natasha

doi:10.1002/ejsp.2885

Cited by 12 publications

(20 citation statements)

References 48 publications

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“…Our findings regarding national narcissism, in the Lebanese case, add to mounting evidence of collective narcissism amongst minority groups in Western countries (e.g., Marinthe et al, 2022). In a deeply divided and sectarian society like Lebanon, it is important to note that while identification with the national group may be gaining momentum amongst individuals, it has not necessarily translated into significant political influence, as evidenced by the outcome of the recent parliamentary elections.…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 80%

“…Collective narcissism has mostly been studied in the context of Western, Educated, Industrialised, Rich, and Developed (WEIRD; Golec de Zavala et al, 2022) samples (though see Jasko et al, 2020; Marinthe et al, 2022; Yustisia et al, 2020 for few notable exceptions). However, populations not accustomed to dominance nationally or internationally also display it.…”

Section: Double Trouble: Sectarian and National Narcissism As Differe...mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Establishing respect and recognition for the ingroup is a core element of collective narcissism, so in minoritized identity groups, this can be expressed in support of more progressive values, such as racial justice (Marinthe et al, 2022). Recent research found that collective narcissism in minority groups, such as Black people in America, is associated with support for pro‐ingroup, but progressive social movements, such as Black Lives Matter, a movement defending Black people's rights (Marinthe et al, 2022). The expression of collective narcissism in relation to different groups in multisectarian societies like Lebanon can likely take on either a reactionary or progressive form, depending on the dynamics between the groups.…”

Section: Double Trouble: Sectarian and National Narcissism As Differe...mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Double trouble: How sectarian and national narcissism relate differently to collective violence beliefs in Lebanon

Abou‐Ismail,

Gronfeldt,

Konur

et al. 2023

Aggressive Behavior

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Collective narcissism is a belief in ingroup greatness which is contingent on external validation. A lack of research on collective narcissism amongst non‐Western contexts and minority groups remains a challenge for the field. However, here we test two types of collective narcissism (sectarian and national) as differential predictors of two dimensions of collective violence beliefs (against outgroup members and leaders) in a large, diverse, community sample from Lebanon (N = 778). We found that sectarian narcissism (narcissism related to smaller political and religious ingroup identity) predicted support for collective violence against members of different sects, while national narcissism predicted opposition to such collective violence. Neither form of collective narcissism had any significant relationship with collective violence against outgroup leaders. We controlled for both sectarian and national identification and found no significant effects in predicting either one of the two dimensions of collective violence beliefs. In this non‐Western context, in which a coherent national identity is undermined by sectarianism, national narcissism seems to be a progressive motivator for unity and social change, while sectarian narcissism is rather associated with extreme attitudes, such as support for collective violence.

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 80%

Section: Double Trouble: Sectarian and National Narcissism As Differe...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Double Trouble: Sectarian and National Narcissism As Differe...mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Double trouble: How sectarian and national narcissism relate differently to collective violence beliefs in Lebanon

Abou‐Ismail,

Gronfeldt,

Konur

et al. 2023

Aggressive Behavior

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“…At the same time, it is possible that defensive national identity rhetoric might be effective in predicting other forms of political engagement. Research has linked defensive identity to support for extremism (Cichocka et al, 2022;Marinthe et al, 2022), and, in some cases, violence and damage to property (Górska et al, 2024;Marchlewska et al, 2024), as well as willingness to conspire even against members of one's own group (Biddlestone et al, 2022;Marchlewska et al, 2024). Future research would do well to examine the role different forms of national identity rhetoric play in predicting other forms of political engagement, including more disruptive and non-normative ones (see Górska et al, 2024).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Politicians’ use of national identity rhetoric on social media predicts engagement and electoral success

Leach,

Nikadon,

Zazzarino

et al. 2024

Preprint

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Politicians invest heavily in social media to amplify narratives about their nations, but the effectiveness of such approaches remains unclear. Analyzing 758,222 posts from US and UK politicians on X (formerly Twitter), we found that right-wing politicians’ posts portraying the nation as exceptional and entitled (defensive identity rhetoric) received 42% more likes and 34% more reposts than their other posts. Left-wing politicians did not enjoy similar benefits online, and Democrats who used more defensive rhetoric (+1SD) in their posts before an election received a 42% smaller vote share. Defensive rhetoric did not hamper the electoral success of Republicans. Posts highlighting national pride and attachment (positive identity rhetoric) benefitted both sides. They received 27% more likes than other posts and politicians who used more positive identity rhetoric (+1SD) before an election received a 16% greater vote share. The research establishes a link between identity rhetoric, online attention, and electoral success.

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“…Finally, our research contributed to the growing literature on collective narcissism. Past studies mostly focused on collective narcissism in the national context (Cichocka & Cislak, 2020), occasionally applying it to other groups, including gender (Górska et al, 2020), ethnicity (Marinthe et al, 2022), and business (Cichocka et al, 2022), sport (Larkin et al, 2022), religious (Marchlewska et al, 2019) or extremist (Jasko et al, 2020) organizations. Here, we examine the role of collective narcissism within the political party context, which has been studied less frequently (but see Bocian et al, 2021; Cichocka et al, 2022).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Party people: Differentiating the associations of partisan identification and partisan narcissism with political skill, integrity, and party dedication

Gronfeldt,

Cislak,

Wyatt

et al. 2023

J Applied Social Pyschol

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We investigated outcomes associated with different types of partisan identity in a sample of political candidates for parliament and local offices (N = 214). We distinguished partisan narcissism, a belief in the greatness of one's political party that is not appreciated by others, from partisan identification, feeling part of the party and evaluating it positively. We examined their links with self‐reported measures of politicians' functioning in their work: political skill, integrity, and party dedication. Partisan narcissism was associated with lower integrity in one's political role, meaning those high in partisan narcissism reported more inclination to engage in secrecy, deception, and political blood‐sport (behavior also known as politicking). Partisan narcissism did not predict party dedication: it was not associated with intentions to leave the party and volunteering in party activities, and in fact, it was linked to past membership in other political parties. Meanwhile, we found that partisan identification was associated with higher levels of political skill, while also predicting party dedication in that it predicted lower intentions to leave the party and volunteering in party activities but was unrelated to membership in other parties in the past. Cumulatively, these results suggest that partisan identification is associated with competence and dedication in politicians' work. Conversely, partisan narcissism seems to contribute to being cunning in the political arena and relates to more devious work habits that many find stereotypical of politicians.

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Understanding identity processes in support for reactionary and progressive social movements among advantaged and disadvantaged groups: The role of collective narcissism and secure ingroup identity

Abstract: The data from Studies 1, 2 and 4 are available at: https://osf.io/cm6h4/. Studies 1 and 2 are based on data that are part of larger projects and we therefore only provide the variables used in the studies. Data from studies 3a and 3b are under embargo and therefore not publicly available.

Cited by 12 publications

References 48 publications

Double trouble: How sectarian and national narcissism relate differently to collective violence beliefs in Lebanon

Double trouble: How sectarian and national narcissism relate differently to collective violence beliefs in Lebanon

Politicians’ use of national identity rhetoric on social media predicts engagement and electoral success

Party people: Differentiating the associations of partisan identification and partisan narcissism with political skill, integrity, and party dedication

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