Uncivil Agreement

Mason, Lilliana

doi:10.7208/chicago/9780226524689.001.0001

Cited by 1,274 publications

(52 citation statements)

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“…They demand privileged treatment, not equal rights. Recent findings indicated that "collective narcissism" was implicated in crucial votes: apart from partisanship (Mason, 2018), this trait was the strongest factor predicting Trump's victory at 2016 US presidential election (Golec de Zavala et al, 2017), and it predicted Brexit vote at 2016, as well (Federico & Golec de Zavala, 2018). It would be necessary to extend these enquiries to Catalan's secessionist and unionist communities.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Secessionists vs. Unionists in Catalonia: Mood, Emotional Profiles and Beliefs about Secession Perspectives in Two Confronted Communities

Oller¹,

Satorra²,

Tobeña³

2019

PSYCH

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Political tensions created by Catalonian secessionism within Spain are unsettled one year after the failed proclamation of independence at 27 th October 2017. A big segment of citizens (38% -48% of the region population) supports secession, but there is another portion of citizenry, of similar size, that has resisted secessionist aspirations. Secessionism acquired forceful impetus along the last decade, wining consecutive regional elections and two (illegal) consultations about self-determination. A rise of activism, however, showed by unionists both at street demonstrations and at the last Regional election, consolidated a draw within a deeply polarized and divided society. We present an analysis of survey data that distinguish prevalent mood and emotion profiles among unionist vs. secessionist segments. Despite their protracted and unsuccessful venture, secessionists felt much less tired and confused than unionists, and they referred to be much less fearful and more hopeful about political and economic future. We link those distinctive feelings and disparate beliefs about current difficulties with a cognitive distortion noticeable only among secessionists, about the real magnitude of their force. We discuss these findings connecting such cognitive and affective profiles with features of a compounded ethno-cultural frontier based mainly on habitual language (Catalan vs. Spanish) and family-descent origins that have probably worked as the principal alignment vector. This social cleavage might function as a fracture line for extremist aggravations of a serious political conflict within the European Union.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Secessionists vs. Unionists in Catalonia: Mood, Emotional Profiles and Beliefs about Secession Perspectives in Two Confronted Communities

Oller¹,

Satorra²,

Tobeña³

2019

PSYCH

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“…Partisan identity alone, however, is not enough to explain out-group animus 2,16 -one must also account for other changes in the political and media environment 2,4 . The partisan-ideological sorting of liberals to the Democratic Party and conservatives to the Republican Party 7 , as well as the social sorting that has led to more demographically homogenous parties 17 , have both contributed to partisan animosity. Also at work are other changes in elite behaviours 18 and increasing elite polarization 6,19 .…”

Section: Affective Polarization Local Contexts and Public Opinion Inmentioning

confidence: 99%

Affective polarization, local contexts and public opinion in America

et al. 2020

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“…As Heaney and Rojas (2015) argued, movement organizations may play a notable role in advising activists about how to think about contemporary political issues and partisan politics. As a result, it is reasonable to expect that activists who identify themselves with parties, ideologies, and/or activist organizations may align their views on intersectionality with these entities (Mason 2018). Individual activists may be inclined to take what they learn through one social movement and use it to shape their involvement in future movements (Meyer and Whittier 1994).…”

Section: Insert Figure 3 About Herementioning

confidence: 99%

Intersectionality at the grassroots

Heaney

2019

Politics, Groups, and Identities

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Intersectional activism is organizing that addresses more than one structure of oppression in the struggle for social justice. The rise of the Women's March as a massive effort to mobilize women primarily on the basis of gender coincided with calls for it to pay greater attention to intersectionality. This study considers the effectiveness of the Women's March at using intersectional activism as a collective action frame. Drawing on surveys conducted at Women's March events in five cities and four other Washington, DC activist events in 2018, this study examines the extent to which activists think that the movements should place a priority on intersectional activism. The results show that participants in Women's March events were more supportive of prioritizing intersectional activism than were activists at comparable protest events that were not mobilized using intersectional collective action frames. Furthermore, the results demonstrate that ideology may be a barrier to embracing intersectional activism, with more moderate and conservative activists placing a lower priority on intersectionality than did more liberal activists. Women's March activists were more likely to prioritize intersectional activism if they were trans-or LGBTQIA+-identified, or if they had a history of backing intersectionally marginalized causes, than if they did not.

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Uncivil Agreement

Cited by 1,274 publications

References 0 publications

Secessionists vs. Unionists in Catalonia: Mood, Emotional Profiles and Beliefs about Secession Perspectives in Two Confronted Communities

Secessionists vs. Unionists in Catalonia: Mood, Emotional Profiles and Beliefs about Secession Perspectives in Two Confronted Communities

Affective polarization, local contexts and public opinion in America

Intersectionality at the grassroots

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