Two states for three peoples: the ‘Palestinian-Israeli’ in the Future Vision Documents of the Palestinians in Israel

Agbaria, Ayman K.; Mustafa, Muhanad

doi:10.1080/01419870.2011.598234

Cited by 28 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 30 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…This scholarship is in line with the assumption that Mustafa's life story is not uncommon. In the Negev, scholars have widely acknowledged that a distinction can be made between 'urbanized' and 'rural' Bedouin (Meir 1997), or Bedouin and their associated farmers (fellahin) (Ben-David and Gonen 2001). In this perspective, the inhabitants of the 'unrecognized' villages are considered often to be the more 'traditional' Bedouin who have the right to be protected in cultural terms.…”

Section: Claim Politics and The Cultural Renaissance In The Negevmentioning

confidence: 98%

“…This knowledge is based on different approaches aimed to de-essentialize the collective representation of Arab-Bedouin culture, underlining complex shifting cultural representations (Ben-David and Gonen 2001;Parizot 2001;Fischer 2006;Meir 2009). In a broader sense, these works are part of a relative recent tendency to highlight the dynamic and heterogeneous character of identities in the IsraeliPalestinian space, where rigid oppositions (including those of tradition and modernity and the West and Islam) are, to a certain degree, blown up or underpinned in daily interactions (Rabinowitz 2000;Koensler 2008;Garb 2011).…”

Section: Claim Politics and The Cultural Renaissance In The Negevmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Over the past decades a complex set of CSOs has emerged in Israel, contributing successfully to a growing visibility of the question of Arab-Bedouin ethnic difference and rights (Laskier 2000), as part of Frictions as opportunity 1811 an increasing visibility of ethnic minority claims of Palestinian citizens in Israel (Agbaria and Mustafa 2011). Negotiations over the access to resources between CSOs and government representatives, in particular land rights and public services, are increasingly phrased in a language of 'indigenous rights' (Frantzman, Yahel and Kark 2012), 'ethnic rights' and cultural difference (Figure 3).…”

Section: Claim Politics and The Cultural Renaissance In The Negevmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 2 more Smart Citations

Frictions as opportunity: mobilizing for Arab-Bedouin ethnic rights in Israel

Koensler¹

2013

Ethnic and Racial Studies

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The question of how to advance justice for indigenous or marginalized ethnic groups leads to the heart of a polarized debate. We find a widely diffused 'right to culture' stance on one hand and a critical, constructivist one on the other. By taking up Tsing's metaphor of 'zones of friction ', (2005) this article follows the way in which voices and imaginations about Bedouin culture and rights are produced in the conflict over a piece of land in the Negev desert, which is contested between the Israeli authorities and Bedouin representatives. As an imagined inhabitant of the area, ordinary citizens such as Mustafa are fashioned by activists and political tourists in highly culturalist or romanticized ways Á images that are distant from the shifting self-representations of Mustafa himself. This case shows how the current emphasis on the 'right to culture' creates both new sites of contestation and new spaces for collective action.

show abstract

Section: Claim Politics and The Cultural Renaissance In The Negevmentioning

confidence: 98%

Section: Claim Politics and The Cultural Renaissance In The Negevmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Claim Politics and The Cultural Renaissance In The Negevmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

Frictions as opportunity: mobilizing for Arab-Bedouin ethnic rights in Israel

Koensler¹

2013

Ethnic and Racial Studies

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…There was not enough space in this brief editorial to fully portray the intricacies of the Israeli context, and the complex, dynamic nature of Israeli society (for additional reading, see Agbaria and Mustafa 2012;Eisenstadt 2008). Future waves of SHAREIsrael will help to continue to follow the changes in the multifaceted Israeli context and the associations of these changes with the ageing process.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Antecedents of late life outcomes: the case of Israel

Shiovitz-Ezra

2016

Eur J Ageing

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

“…However, these claims do not challenge only the differential regime of Israeli citizenship (Shafir & Peled, ), but also the boundaries of Palestinian nationality. Inasmuch as it contests the unequal access to educational resources for national recognition in Israel, Identity and Belonging questions the unity and continuity of the Palestinian people as well (Agbaria & Mustafa, ), considering that it represents the Palestinian minority in Israel as an independent political actor with a distinct collective memory.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

‘In your face’ democracy: education for belonging and its challenges in Israel

Agbaria

Mustafa

Jabareen

2014

British Educational Res J

Self Cite

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This article will juxtapose the goals and implications of two pedagogical programmes that promote education for belonging in Israel. Representing the official knowledge of the Ministry of Education, the first is the ‘100 Concepts in Heritage, Zionism and Democracy’ curriculum. The second, which embodies the counter knowledge produced and disseminated by Arab civil society organizations, is entitled ‘Identity and Belonging: The Basic Concepts Project for Arab Pupils’. The article grapples with the attempts of Israel to impose a state‐standardized version of education for belonging, as well as the active resistance to this by Arab civil society in Israel which provides an alternative one. The article argues that the concepts included in the curriculum posed by Arab civil society, albeit controversial and challenging to the very definition of Israel as both a Jewish nation state and a democracy, should be considered an act of citizenship, rather than a sign of radicalization and separatism. Indeed, the alternative curriculum constitutes a political and ethical act of ‘in your face’ democracy, which is deeply confrontational and interruptive. The paper is organized into three sections. The first explicates the politics of recognition as a theoretical framework for this study. The second unit presents both curricula and compares and contrasts the two. The third and final section offers concluding thoughts regarding the interplay of the rival Palestinian and Israeli historiographies in the struggle over canonizing and standardizing a collective narrative through the Israeli education system.

show abstract

Two states for three peoples: the ‘Palestinian-Israeli’ in the Future Vision Documents of the Palestinians in Israel

Cited by 28 publications

References 30 publications

Frictions as opportunity: mobilizing for Arab-Bedouin ethnic rights in Israel

Frictions as opportunity: mobilizing for Arab-Bedouin ethnic rights in Israel

Antecedents of late life outcomes: the case of Israel

‘In your face’ democracy: education for belonging and its challenges in Israel

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About