Two-level negotiations in a fragmented system: Saudi Arabia's WTO accession

Hertog, Steffen

doi:10.1080/09692290802260696

Cited by 12 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 22 publications

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“…Some scholars posit that the two-level game framework ought to be expanded to study EU policy-making: vertically, horizontally, cross-institutionally, intrainstitutionally and allowing for repeated interactions (Collinson 1999;Keisuke 1993;Mansfield, Milner, and Rosendorff 2002;Naurin and Rasmussen 2011;König-Archibugi 2004;Pahre 1997). However, others continue to apply Putnam's original two-level approach (Forwood 2001;Hertog 2008), demonstrating that adding complexity to the theoretical framework does not per se boost explanatory power. In line with the latter authors, we opt for the original formulation of Putnam's two-level framework, as it aptly captures the intergovernmental features of decision-making on sanctions renewal at the European Council.…”

Section: Theoretical Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

Consensus against all odds: explaining the persistence of EU sanctions on Russia

Portela

Pospieszna

Skrzypczyńska

et al. 2020

Journal of European Integration

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In response to Russia's actions in Ukraine in 2014, the EU introduced sanctions on Moscow. Despite increasing polarisation among member states after imposition, the sanctions package was consistently renewed. How can sanctions persistence be explained? While scholarly accounts highlight German leadership, commitment to norms, and policymakers' engagement, the EU's ability to uphold the sanctions in the face of uneven support among member states remains puzzling. With the help of a two-level game framework, according to which actors make decisions based on the interplay between the domestic and international levels, we argue that the interaction between the Council and domestic politics helped sustaining the consensus. To illustrate this dynamic, in an exploration of domestic factions in Spain and Poland, two member states displaying opposite attitudes towards Russia, we identify the presence of at least one actor whose preference deviates from the core, thereby facilitating consensus.

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Section: Theoretical Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

Consensus against all odds: explaining the persistence of EU sanctions on Russia

Portela

Pospieszna

Skrzypczyńska

et al. 2020

Journal of European Integration

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“…Until now, Saudi Arabian schools are well-known for having extremely centralised systems, with top-down decision making, a lack of school autonomy and a great deal of bureaucracy [18][19][20]. Some authors claim, however, that such centralised systems can have a detrimental effect on staff motivation [12], and it has been argued that allowing educational leaders to have more control over key tasks such as curriculum design is seen as a key aspect of being a professional [21].…”

Section: Decentralisationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In this purportedly democratic approach, the idea is that power and decision-making authority shifts from the Ministry of Education to managers of educational systems, teachers and, eventually, to learners. Furthermore, the power distribution to the lowest levels in the school should be identifiable and reflected in local policies and practice [21]. The challenge facing schools, however, especially in a system that has traditionally been centralised, is to navigate the hierarchical, authoritative and formal leadership patterns to transform their schools into productive communities of learning [32].…”

Section: Distributed Leadershipmentioning

confidence: 99%

Female School Leaders’ Perceptions and Experiences of Decentralisation and Distributed Leadership in the Tatweer System in Saudi Arabia

Alyami

Floyd

2019

Education Sciences

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While school reform has been the subject of much research globally, few studies have examined “on the ground” educational reform in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), especially in relation to the “Tatweer” System, an initiative which purports to transform education and lead educational change within the country. This paper aims to address this knowledge gap and reports on a study which examined female leaders’ perceptions and experiences of the system. A qualitative case study of three Tatweer schools was conducted, with data being drawn from one-on-one interviews (n = 16), focus group interviews (n = 4) and documentary analysis. Our findings suggest that the Tatweer system is what can be termed “semi-decentralised”, which appears to be linked to issues of accountability, trust, and perceived staff competence. However, at the local level, major breakthroughs seem to have taken place in relation to distributing leadership responsibilities and decision-making processes within these female-led schools.

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“…In 1949-50 taxes accounted for 67% of Saudi state revenues, with 37% coming from direct taxes (seeChaudhry, 1997: 65) thus indicating infrastructural power. This has of course since changed and Saudi Arabia has followed the rentier path(Hertog, 2008). Tunisia thus stands apart, as argued above.16Downing (1992) has shown that even in early modern Europe, war-making produced different regime outcomes, all while providing the same institutional outcome of a strong and bureaucratized state.…”

mentioning

confidence: 97%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Does war make states? Rentierism and the formation of states in the Middle East

Schwarz

2011

Eur. Pol. Sci. Rev.

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The famous dictum that ‘war makes states’ has received renewed interest with the experience of state failure and state collapse in many parts of the Developing World. Historical studies have shown that the activity of war-making was an essential ingredient of the process of state-making in early modern Europe. The history of state-making in the Arab Middle East shows that rentier states defy the ‘war makes states’ theory. This article compares four states from the Arab world, two having been exposed to the experience of war-making (Iraq and Jordan) and two not (the United Arab Emirates and Tunisia). The comparison of these four states shows that rentierism serves as an obstacle to the formation of legitimate and institutionalized states. However, the availability of external rents also allows state institutions and patronage channels to continue providing general welfare. Thus, rentierism produces a twin phenomenon of state weakness and life support for potentially failed states. It is only when war-making is employed in rentier states as a strategy of state-making that states fail and break.

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Two-level negotiations in a fragmented system: Saudi Arabia's WTO accession

Cited by 12 publications

References 22 publications

Consensus against all odds: explaining the persistence of EU sanctions on Russia

Consensus against all odds: explaining the persistence of EU sanctions on Russia

Female School Leaders’ Perceptions and Experiences of Decentralisation and Distributed Leadership in the Tatweer System in Saudi Arabia

Does war make states? Rentierism and the formation of states in the Middle East

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