Tuskegee's Robert R. Moton and the Travails of the Early Black College President

Fairclough, Adam

doi:10.2307/2679198

Cited by 5 publications

(3 citation statements)

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“…To characterize the socioeconomic composition of the participants' neighborhood, we additionally used ArcGIS [53] to geocode each participant's residential street address to the census tract, which we then linked to the 2005–2009 American Community Survey data on census tract poverty level [54], [55]. Data on the participants' age and state of birth were used to determine what we refer to as their Jim Crow birthplace status, referring to states that did versus did not legally permit racial discrimination [56] prior to the 1964 passage of the US Civil Rights Act that rendered such discrimination illegal and the 1965 Voting Rights Act that abolished literacy tests aimed at preventing black and poor white citizens from voting [57], [58].…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Exposing Racial Discrimination: Implicit & Explicit Measures–The My Body, My Story Study of 1005 US-Born Black & White Community Health Center Members

et al. 2011

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BackgroundTo date, research on racial discrimination and health typically has employed explicit self-report measures, despite their potentially being affected by what people are able and willing to say. We accordingly employed an Implicit Association Test (IAT) for racial discrimination, first developed and used in two recent published studies, and measured associations of the explicit and implicit discrimination measures with each other, socioeconomic and psychosocial variables, and smoking.Methodology/Principal FindingsAmong the 504 black and 501 white US-born participants, age 35–64, randomly recruited in 2008–2010 from 4 community health centers in Boston, MA, black participants were over 1.5 times more likely (p<0.05) to be worse off economically (e.g., for poverty and low education) and have higher social desirability scores (43.8 vs. 28.2); their explicit discrimination exposure was also 2.5 to 3.7 times higher (p<0.05) depending on the measure used, with over 60% reporting exposure in 3 or more domains and within the last year. Higher IAT scores for target vs. perpetrator of discrimination occurred for the black versus white participants: for “black person vs. white person”: 0.26 vs. 0.13; and for “me vs. them”: 0.24 vs. 0.19. In both groups, only low non-significant correlations existed between the implicit and explicit discrimination measures; social desirability was significantly associated with the explicit but not implicit measures. Although neither the explicit nor implicit discrimination measures were associated with odds of being a current smoker, the excess risk for black participants (controlling for age and gender) rose in models that also controlled for the racial discrimination and psychosocial variables; additional control for socioeconomic position sharply reduced and rendered the association null.ConclusionsImplicit and explicit measures of racial discrimination are not equivalent and both warrant use in research on racial discrimination and health, along with data on socioeconomic position and social desirability.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Exposing Racial Discrimination: Implicit & Explicit Measures–The My Body, My Story Study of 1005 US-Born Black & White Community Health Center Members

et al. 2011

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“…The interracial status of Boas's studio, company, and summer school might not appear to be particularly radical within a New York context, but it is to be remembered that the social and political circumstances for African Americans in the post–World War II years were not straightforward, even in the northern states. In the years immediately following the end of the war, New York was a hub for groups such as the Negro Labor Victory Committee and the metropolitan chapter of the National Council of Negro Women (Fairclough 2001; “Jobs for Negroes Discussed in City” 1945; Weisbrot 1990). Yet, even after the Supreme Court in the United States struck down restrictive covenants on the transference of land in 1948, for example, segregation persisted (Meyer 2001).…”

Section: Racially Integrated Dance Classesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…It is within this more elastic periodization that this article places Boas and considers her pre-1950s activism. For a more detailed discussion of the recalibration of civil rights dates, see Fairclough 1995, 2001; Meier 1991; Nasstrom 1999a; and Sullivan 1996.…”

Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Civil Rights Strategies in the United States: Franziska Boas's Activist Use of Dance, 1933–1965

Lindgren¹

2012

Dance Res. J.

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At the first National Dance Congress and Festival, which was held in New York in May 1936, Edna Ocko, the dance editor ofNew Theatre Magazine, told the assembled delegates, “One cannot minimize the importance of an artist's social point of view, for it is he who, bringing his ideas before vast audiences, can organize and direct social thought” (25). Noting that young, politically aware choreographers had already embraced the political potential of dance, Ocko listed several topical social themes recently explored in choreography, including the need for “Negro and white unity”—an assertion championed by other speakers and formally adopted in the final session of the gathering when the delegates passed the following resolution: “Whereas the Negro People in America have been subject to segregation and suppression which has limited their development in the field of creative dance, be it resolved that the Dance Congress encourage and sponsor the work of the Negro People in the creative fields” (Ocko 1936, 27 and “Resolutions” 1936, 94).

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2010

ASHE Higher Education Report

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Executive SummaryForewordAcknowledgmentsIntroduction and OverviewHistorical Origins of HBCUsDesegregationThe Language of Higher Education DesegregationPre‐Brown CasesBrown I and IIBrown and HBCUsPost‐Brown HBCU RebuttalSanders v. EllingtonKnight v. AlabamaFordice CasesPost‐Fordice to the PresentStudentsCollege ChoiceGenderAfrican American MalesAfrican American FemalesCampus EnvironmentsGraduation and OutcomesPresidential LeadershipFaculty and Governance IssuesFaculty DiversityCritique of GovernanceGeneral Overview of Faculty IssuesFundraisingA History of FundraisingAlumni GivingEducating Alumni EarlyIssues of InfrastructureEndowment SizeFederal and State PolicyLegislationState Policies Toward HBCUsCurriculumProfessional FieldsGraduate WorkBlack Medical Schools and Medical EducationEngineering at HBCUsAccreditationConclusion and Thoughts About the FutureAppendix: Historically Black Colleges and UniversitiesReferencesAdditional ReadingsName IndexSubject IndexAbout the Authors

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Tuskegee's Robert R. Moton and the Travails of the Early Black College President

Cited by 5 publications

References 0 publications

Exposing Racial Discrimination: Implicit & Explicit Measures–The My Body, My Story Study of 1005 US-Born Black & White Community Health Center Members

Exposing Racial Discrimination: Implicit & Explicit Measures–The My Body, My Story Study of 1005 US-Born Black & White Community Health Center Members

Civil Rights Strategies in the United States: Franziska Boas's Activist Use of Dance, 1933–1965

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