Transnational Networking on the Far Right: The Case of Britain and Germany

Macklin, Graham

doi:10.1080/01402382.2013.742756

Cited by 30 publications

(12 citation statements)

References 7 publications

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“…Our results confirm previous findings on far right transnationalism offline (Macklin 2013) and online (Caiani and Kröll 2015). What our data add is that compared to the national level, at the transnational level the economy is described more and more in nativist political terms than merely economic ones.…”

Section: Nativist Interpretations Of the Economysupporting

confidence: 91%

“…By looking at the experiences of Italian fascism and German Nazism, historians were the first to show that an ethnocentric focus on nationhood (also called nativism) does not necessarily exclude transnational mobilization (Macklin 2013;Mammone 2015). As illustrated by the creation in 1934 of the Fascist International by the fascist dictator Mussolini, attempts of finding allies beyond state borders are not a new endeavor in the far right (Albanese and del Hierro 2016).…”

Section: Far Right Politics Transnationalism and The Internetmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The transnationalisation of far right discourse on Twitter

2018

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How transnational are the audiences of far right parties and movements on Twitter? While an increasing number of contributions addresses the topic of transnationalism in far right politics, few systematic investigations exist on the actors and discourses favored in transnational exchanges on social media. Building on the literature on the far right, social movements, transnationalism and the Internet, the paper addresses this gap by studying the initiators and the issues that are favored in online exchanges between audiences of far right organizations, e.g. political parties and movements across France, Germany, Italy and the United Kingdom. We use a new dataset on the activities of far right Twitter users that is analyzed through a mixed methods approach. Using social network analysis, we detect transnational links between far right organizations across countries based on retweets from audiences of far right Twitter users. Retweets are qualitatively coded for content and compared to the content retweeted within national communities. Finally, using a logistic regression, we quantify the level to which specific issues and organizations enjoy high levels of attention across borders. Subsequently, we use discourse analysis to qualitatively reconstruct the interpretative frames accompanying these patterns. We find that although social media are often ascribed much power in favoring transnational exchanges between far right organizations, there is little evidence of this. Only a few issues (anti-immigration and nativist interpretations of the economy) garner transnational far right audiences on Twitter. In addition, we find that more than movements, political parties play a prominent role in the construction of a transnational far right discourse.

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Section: Nativist Interpretations Of the Economysupporting

confidence: 91%

Section: Far Right Politics Transnationalism and The Internetmentioning

confidence: 99%

The transnationalisation of far right discourse on Twitter

2018

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“…On the matter of economic nativism, our results confirm previous findings about far-right transnationalism offline (Macklin 2013) and online . What our data adds is that, compared to the national level, at the transnational level the economy is described more and more in nativist political terms rather than merely economic ones.…”

Section: Resultssupporting

confidence: 90%

Post-Digital Cultures of the Far Right

Fielitz¹,

Thurston²

2018

Edition Politik

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Many far-right groups were early adopters of the internet as a space in which they could create their own ideological publishing frames (Foxman/Wolf 2013). For example, the world's largest white supremacist website, Stormfront, was established in 1996 and preceded by a bulletin board system that operated during the early 1990s. Indeed, the development of early online far-right subcultures forecasted political changes in the organized far right (Kaplan/Weinberg 1998). We have witnessed the potency of their new operational models on the streets and in parliaments since the financial crisis of 2007-8 and the so-called 'migration crisis' of 2015. These changes are measurable in terms of their policy impacts, including the pressure to close borders in Greece and Germany, the ongoing rightward shift of political cultures in Italy and Austria, the installation of

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“…The analysis also does not engage with the increasingly salient issue of transnational networking and its assumed effects on militant strategies and tactics. 71 The reason is that transnational networking primarily serves to explain why groups and movements converge and not why they differ. However, this does not mean that transnational networking is resources, and (3) frame analysis.…”

Section: Srm and Its Youth Wingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Right-wing Terrorism and Militancy in the Nordic Countries: A Comparative Case Study

Ravndal

2018

Terrorism and Political Violence

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Combining new quantitative and qualitative data, this article first describes and compares the evolution of right-wing terrorism and militancy in the Nordic countries between 1990 and 2015. Having established that Sweden has experienced considerably more right-wing terrorism and militancy than the other Nordic countries have, the article then seeks to account for Sweden's outlier position. In doing so, the article draws on three concepts proposed by social movement research: organizational resources, political opportunities, and frame analysis. Applying these concepts to the Nordic countries, the study finds that Sweden's outlier position may result from different WWII experiences, leaving Sweden with a stronger and more resilient extreme right movement, but also from receiving more immigrants while lacking influential anti-immigration (radical right) parties, and from conducting a more restrictive public debate on immigration, leaving little room for anti-immigration concerns in the public sphere. While the first two explanations are consistent with existing research, the third challenges the dominant view on how the public debate on immigration might influence extreme right mobilization and violence.

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Transnational Networking on the Far Right: The Case of Britain and Germany

Cited by 30 publications

References 7 publications

The transnationalisation of far right discourse on Twitter

The transnationalisation of far right discourse on Twitter

Post-Digital Cultures of the Far Right

Right-wing Terrorism and Militancy in the Nordic Countries: A Comparative Case Study

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