Abstract:This paper examines the problems of public and institutional reforms within the context of a so-called predatory state. The predatory state is one that acts in the interest of an elite rather than pursue a coherent strategy for economic development. The argument is that, even after the process of political transition is begun, important reforms are blocked by a lingering institutional overhang that continues to serve the predatory elite. We examine the experience of Paraguay that disposed of its dictator in 19… Show more
“…The shadow state derives its power and resources from the constitutional state, a relationship that is, ultimately, politically unsustainable -especially if the predatory capabilities of the shadow state are allowed to expand in an unmanageable way (Khan, 2000;Grzymala-Busse, 2008;Richards, 2008;Di John, 2010;Gray & Whitfield, 2014). In the case of State Capture in South Africa, the constitutional state has been hollowed out as the energy and objectives of governance were redirected to serve or defend the shadow state.…”
“…The shadow state derives its power and resources from the constitutional state, a relationship that is, ultimately, politically unsustainable -especially if the predatory capabilities of the shadow state are allowed to expand in an unmanageable way (Khan, 2000;Grzymala-Busse, 2008;Richards, 2008;Di John, 2010;Gray & Whitfield, 2014). In the case of State Capture in South Africa, the constitutional state has been hollowed out as the energy and objectives of governance were redirected to serve or defend the shadow state.…”
“…The richest families significantly improved their share, while all other groups lost income; the families immediately below them in rank only slightly, the "poorest" 70 percent of households, especially the bottom bracket, more severely. While in Uruguay a limited progressive redistri- Uruguay: 1980: Mesa-Lago 1990: Ferreira-Coimbra and Forteza 2004a: Trylesinski 2007. 2008 bution did take place, no similar development occurred in Paraguay.…”
Section: Economic and Political Determinants Of Welfare Performancementioning
confidence: 99%
“…In "predatory states" political access is restricted, so that power is used to limit economic competition and generate rents that benefit small minorities. When confronted with a contraction of rent based assets, the "predatory state" must find alternative resources or face a challenge to its rule (Richards, 2008). Thus, in order to receive what had become a vital financial support by the IMF, Duarte had to commit himself to restructuring the pension system, but he avoided hurting the most powerful party constituencies and softened the social costs imposed by the reform.…”
This article aims to assess how democracy affects social welfare by analyzing Uruguay and Paraguay, one country with a vibrant democratic history and a progressive political landscape, the other with a generally authoritarian past and a conservative dominant party. The article maintains that welfare systems in these countries have been critically shaped by the impact of democracy, or by its absence, and by the strategies adopted by major social and political actors, especially parties; these strategies have been determined, in turn, by parties' ideologies and by the workings of electoral competition. The article also emphasizes that the impact of democracy on social welfare is critically mediated by the role of previous welfare legacies, the presence of welfare constituencies defending acquired rights and privileges, and social and economic variables, such as overall wealth levels, the formal or informal nature of labor markets, and the political organization of domestic economies.
“…Setting many complexities aside, not least the fact that “[t]he state itself is a socially and politically contested terrain, and as such is a highly heterogeneous institution comprised of various actors” (Borras, , p. 75), the essence of the Paraguayan state under Stroessner, and during the 19 years of transition to democracy, is accurately captured in Peter Evans' (, p. 562) conceptualization of the “predatory state”, wherein the state acts in the interest of an elite rather than pursuing a coherent strategy for economic development: Following this description, several scholars have argued that Paraguay should be seen as a predatory (“oligarchic”, “patrimonial” or “privatized”) state, whereby connected individuals treat public agencies as private property (Fogel, ; Levy, ; Nickson & Lambert, ; Richards, ). For example, Levy (, p. 41) writes, “Paraguay is the epitome of state corruption and confusion between state and Colorado Party interests where the patrimonial state blurs distinctions between public and private property … and acts as a vital source of patronage for the Colorado Party, which behaves as if it ‘owns’ the state.” This dynamic is perhaps nowhere more evident than in the extraction of surplus from the corrupt sale of tierra fiscal (state land) – a practice initiated during the Stroessner dictatorship and continued under successive Colorado governments.…”
Section: Power Politics and Land In Paraguaymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Following this description, several scholars have argued that Paraguay should be seen as a predatory ("oligarchic", "patrimonial" or "privatized") state, whereby connected individuals treat public agencies as private property (Fogel, 2009;Levy, 2013;Nickson & Lambert, 2002;Richards, 2008). For example, Levy (2013, p. 41) In the 1960s, the Stroessner regime, faced with stagnating agricultural growth and a growing concern over the spreading land conflict between latifundistas and minifundistas, embarked on an ambitious internal colonization programme, distributing state-owned land, much of it in the sparsely populated interior and border areas.…”
Section: Power Politics and Land In Paraguaymentioning
This paper offers a political economy interpretation of the “parliamentary coup” that took place in Paraguay in June 2012. It situates this analysis in the wider historical context of the protracted transition to democracy between 1989 and 2008, the rural class structure of the country, the changing character of contemporary agro‐extractive capitalism, and the long‐standing class struggle for redistributive land reform. By examining the Paraguayan agrarian reform impasse under the short‐lived government of Fernando Lugo (2008–2012) through an “interactive state/society” framework, this paper attempts to locate the sources of current social and political conflict in the country, and the demands of rival social groups. In doing so, the paper argues that the rise and fall of Lugo occurred in the context of structural legacies from the Stroessner era (1954–1989) that have remained largely unchanged and that coexist today with an expanding agro‐extractivist development model. They lead to the conceptualization of the continued “predatory” or “oligarchic” state in the country.
scite is a Brooklyn-based organization that helps researchers better discover and understand research articles through Smart Citations–citations that display the context of the citation and describe whether the article provides supporting or contrasting evidence. scite is used by students and researchers from around the world and is funded in part by the National Science Foundation and the National Institute on Drug Abuse of the National Institutes of Health.