Transatlantic Relations and Canadian Foreign Policy

Long, David F.

doi:10.1177/002070200305800406

Cited by 9 publications

(7 citation statements)

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“…Over time, it has become more assertive and started to consider to what extent Canadian Foreign Policy would be different from heavily relying on the US. When Robert Kagan famously argued in 2002 that the transatlantic drift of the turn of the century could be seen as the Europeans being from Venus and the Americans from Mars, it hit a nerve in the Canadian context (Long, 2003; see Kagan, 2003). At the start of the negotiations that would lead to the SPA and CETA eventually signed in 2016, the EU had become a much more important potential partner to Canada than before (Haglund and Mérand, 2010).…”

Section: -2008mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…On the European side, the first two decades, internal European integration was more developed in the area of agriculture, commerce, and trade matters rather than on security and defence matters. Thus, in addition to not having a clear sense of its strategic goals, the EU did not yet 'speak with one voice' on these more external political matters (Potter, 1999;Long, 2003;Barry, 2004;Bernard-Meunier, 2006;Croci and Verdun, 2006;Haglund and Mérand, 2010;Mérand and Vandemoortele, 2011). Second, there was also a lack of appreciation of the multilevel governance and federalist institutional set-up on both sides (Haglund, 2000;Benz, 2010;Verdun and Wood, 2010).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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EU-Canada Strategic Partnership: Ups and downs

Verdun¹

2021

ANZJES

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Signed in 1976, the EU-Canada relationship was the first bilateral agreement that the EU signed with an industrialised third country. Modest strengthening of the ties was achieved with the 2004 EU-Canada Partnership Agenda. A fully-fledged free trade agreement was in the works at this time, but suspended in 2006. The EU-Canada strategic partnership agreement (SPA) and the Comprehensive Economic Trade Agreement (CETA) did not materialise until more than a decade later, in 2016. This paper focuses in particular on the strategic partnership dimension. It explores why an SPA was possible in 2016, but not before. To answer this question, the paper looks at four time periods. In so doing it explores the origins of the EU-Canada agreement, how the EU-Canada relationship changed over time, and examines how a more profound strategic partnership came about when it did. In its analysis it considers institutional, domestic and geopolitical factors. It briefly speculates about the possible future of this partnership.

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Section: -2008mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

EU-Canada Strategic Partnership: Ups and downs

Verdun¹

2021

ANZJES

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“…4Europeanism is therefore separate from (trans-)Atlanticism. For helpful discussions, see Long (2003), Mérand and Vandemoortele (2009) and DeBardeleben and Leblond (2010). …”

Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…4 Europeanism is therefore separate from (trans-)Atlanticism. For helpful discussions, seeLong (2003),Mérand and Vandemoortele (2009) and DeBardeleben and Leblond (2010). 5 During the Cold War, the principal reference point for Europe was Western Europe, while today Canadians are more likely to invoke the member states of the European Union (EU) or the EU itselfa.k.a.…”

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confidence: 99%

Canada in the United Nations General Assembly from Trudeau to Trudeau

Vučetić

Ramadanović

2019

Can J Pol Sci

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All Canadian governments say that Canada must look to its friends and allies and like-minded partners to achieve greater cooperation on global issues. But who are these countries exactly? To gain a better understanding of where Ottawa stands in the world, with whom and under what conditions, we analyze Canada's voting patterns in the United Nations General Assembly from 1980 to 2017. We find that Canada's overall record tends toward that of Western European states. We find no evidence of greater affinity with US positions either when the Democrats are in power in Washington or when the conservative parties are in power in Ottawa. We identify a sharp pro-US turn in the Harper years and also confirm that the government of Justin Trudeau started off by maintaining rather than reversing this trend.

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“…As Joan DeBardeleben and Patrick Leblond argue, “Canada shares with European countries many key values, including those relating to social welfare, international law, and human rights” (2010–2011: 2). Proponents of this second version of transatlantism, which is also known as Europeanism, point out that Canada has supported most EU resolutions that were submitted to the UN General Assembly (Long, 2003; Mérand and Vandemoortele, 2011). Some analysts also emphasize the fact that the European Union is currently Canada's second largest trading partner after the United States and that Canada is currently embracing a strategy of increasing trade relations with the EU in order to stimulate growth and reduce its economic dependency on the United States (Deblock and Rioux, 2010–2011: 55).…”

Section: Transatlantic Tiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Shedding Light on Canada's Foreign Policy Alignment

Paquin¹,

Beauregard²

2013

Can J Pol Sci

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Abstract. The purpose of this article is to explore the issue of alignment in Canadian foreign policy. The main research question is whether Canada's responses to foreign crises aligned with those of its allies, and if so, which allies and why. The study proceeds in two steps. First, it tests four major theoretical perspectives that could explain Canada's behaviour: continentalism, transatlantism, the Anglosphere argument and unilateralism. By performing a computer-generated content analysis, the article assesses these propositions by focusing on and comparing Canada's official declarations to those of the United States, France and Britain to six foreign crises that occurred between 2004 and 2011. Second, the analysis identifies whether there is a difference between the Harper and Martin governments' responses to foreign crises. The research provides quantitative and qualitative evidence suggesting that Canada's foreign policy alignment primarily tends toward a transatlantic orientation. It also shows that the Harper government was less in line with Washington than was the previous Liberal government of Paul Martin, which challenges the conventional wisdom of Canadian foreign policy.Résumé. Cet article explore l'enjeu de l'alignement en politique étrangère canadienne et pose la question de recherche suivante : est-ce qu'à l'égard des crises étrangère le Canada s'aligne sur les positions de ses alliés et, si oui, lesquels et pourquoi? Tout d'abord, l'article présente quatre perspectives théoriques susceptibles d'expliquer le comportement du Canada : le continentalisme, le transatlantisme, la thèse de l'anglosphère et celle de l'unilatéralisme. En ayant recours à une analyse de contenu assistée par ordinateur, cet article teste la validité de ces propositions en comparant les déclarations officielles du Canada à celles des États-Unis, de la France et de l'Angleterre à l'égard de six crises survenues entre 2004 et 2011. Ensuite, l'analyse cherche à identifier s'il y a une différence entre les réponses des gouvernements Harper et Martin à l'égard de ces crises. L'étude fournit des données empiriques de type qualitatif et quantitatif qui suggèrent que le Canada a eu une orientation transatlantique lors de la gestion de ces crises internationales. Elle montre également que le gouvernement Harper est moins aligné sur les positions de Washington que ne le fut le précédent gouvernement libéral, ce qui ébranle certaines idées communément admises en politique étrangère canadienne.

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Transatlantic Relations and Canadian Foreign Policy

Cited by 9 publications

References 0 publications

EU-Canada Strategic Partnership: Ups and downs

EU-Canada Strategic Partnership: Ups and downs

Canada in the United Nations General Assembly from Trudeau to Trudeau

Shedding Light on Canada's Foreign Policy Alignment

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