“…However, I feel words like "trans masculine," [and] "non-binary masculine" also appeal to me at the moment'. A similar situation was also true for Alex (Portuguese non-binary transgender woman, late twenties, technical job/student) who, while self-identifying as a non-binary girl and wanting a female embodiment, is exploring her gender expression and wants to incorporate the complexities of her past masculine embodiment and experiences thus illustrating existing discourses of continuity (Andrucki and Kaplan 2018): 'I am a lot closer to what is a feminine line because I feel a lot more like a girl. But I don't abandon my boy's characteristics because I like some of them'.…”
Section: Finding Others Finding Oneselfvirtual and Face-to-face Spacmentioning
confidence: 77%
“…As a consequence, transgender people become multiple storytellers when faced with multiple and diversified audiences (Hines 2007). There are then multi-temporalities (Andrucki and Kaplan 2018) and multispacialities of coming out processes that are associated with the presence of more or less cis-heteronormatives and dominant gender binaries (Westbrook and Schilt 2014). Significantly, Doan (2010, 638) considers that more than examples of dichotomous divisions between public and private, everyday places in which transgender and gender-diverse people move are 'part of a much richer continuum'.…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…There are then multitemporalities (Andrucki and Kaplan, 2018) and multispacialities associated with coming out processes that transgender people more or less strategically develop throughout their lifecourses, rendering gender highly contextual in terms of space and time. In this sense, participants showed conditioned forms of agency when, where and to whom they wanted or not to come out as transgender.…”
Telling transgender and gender-diverse stories is an increasingly common process. The stories that are told are situated reflections of individual lives. Nonetheless, these stories tell us something about the world we live in, since they are, simultaneously, conditioned by and an expression of the social, cultural and historical contexts that surrounds them. Drawing upon 58 transcribed in-depth interviews with transgender and gender-diverse people in Portugal and the UK, in this paper, I focus on the dynamics and complexity of coming out stories and their relation with specific spaces such as the 'private' spaces of the family, the 'virtual' and 'face-to-face' spaces of transgender and gender-diverse communities and the 'institutional' spaces of work and school within these individuals' lifecourse. I will consider these transgender and gender-diverse people's social positionings, specifically in terms of age and national contexts in order to understand how their stories are shaped by several interconnected and mutually interinfluencing factors that condition their experiences and fields of possibilities. I will argue that coming out processes are strongly interrelated with located social times and spaces and the significant, symbolic and generalized others that occupy them.
“…However, I feel words like "trans masculine," [and] "non-binary masculine" also appeal to me at the moment'. A similar situation was also true for Alex (Portuguese non-binary transgender woman, late twenties, technical job/student) who, while self-identifying as a non-binary girl and wanting a female embodiment, is exploring her gender expression and wants to incorporate the complexities of her past masculine embodiment and experiences thus illustrating existing discourses of continuity (Andrucki and Kaplan 2018): 'I am a lot closer to what is a feminine line because I feel a lot more like a girl. But I don't abandon my boy's characteristics because I like some of them'.…”
Section: Finding Others Finding Oneselfvirtual and Face-to-face Spacmentioning
confidence: 77%
“…As a consequence, transgender people become multiple storytellers when faced with multiple and diversified audiences (Hines 2007). There are then multi-temporalities (Andrucki and Kaplan 2018) and multispacialities of coming out processes that are associated with the presence of more or less cis-heteronormatives and dominant gender binaries (Westbrook and Schilt 2014). Significantly, Doan (2010, 638) considers that more than examples of dichotomous divisions between public and private, everyday places in which transgender and gender-diverse people move are 'part of a much richer continuum'.…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…There are then multitemporalities (Andrucki and Kaplan, 2018) and multispacialities associated with coming out processes that transgender people more or less strategically develop throughout their lifecourses, rendering gender highly contextual in terms of space and time. In this sense, participants showed conditioned forms of agency when, where and to whom they wanted or not to come out as transgender.…”
Telling transgender and gender-diverse stories is an increasingly common process. The stories that are told are situated reflections of individual lives. Nonetheless, these stories tell us something about the world we live in, since they are, simultaneously, conditioned by and an expression of the social, cultural and historical contexts that surrounds them. Drawing upon 58 transcribed in-depth interviews with transgender and gender-diverse people in Portugal and the UK, in this paper, I focus on the dynamics and complexity of coming out stories and their relation with specific spaces such as the 'private' spaces of the family, the 'virtual' and 'face-to-face' spaces of transgender and gender-diverse communities and the 'institutional' spaces of work and school within these individuals' lifecourse. I will consider these transgender and gender-diverse people's social positionings, specifically in terms of age and national contexts in order to understand how their stories are shaped by several interconnected and mutually interinfluencing factors that condition their experiences and fields of possibilities. I will argue that coming out processes are strongly interrelated with located social times and spaces and the significant, symbolic and generalized others that occupy them.
“…As Sedgwick and colleagues (Moon, Kosofsky Sedgwick, Gianni, & Weir, 1994, p. 30) once argued, it is possible to queer the single‐family home: Queer lives and impulses do not occupy a separate social or physical space from straight ones; instead, they are relational and conditional, moving across and transforming the conventional spaces that were designed to offer endless narcissistic self‐confirmation to the unstable normative systems of sex, gender, and family.Gorman‐Murray (2007a, 2007b, 2012; Waitt & Gorman‐Murray, 2007) analyses these conditional and relational domestic transformations arguing that lesbian and gay “home‐making” practices challenge the norms embedded in the archetypal single‐family home. His work and other studies have examined how LGBTQ+ practices such as alternative performances of domestic labor (Barrett, 2015), same‐sex parenting (Luzia, 2010), “outlaw” intimacies (Kentlyn, 2008), queer household and kinship formations (Wilkinson, 2014) as well as aesthetic and spatial adaptations (Andrucki & Kaplan, 2018; Pilkey et al, 2015; Scicluna, 2015) disrupt pre‐existing domestic architectural arrangements. But Gorman‐Murray (2007a, p. 195) argues that queering the single‐family home goes beyond symbolic disruption: through everyday repurposing and remodeling, the program of the house is continuously remade, becoming a place to not only “consolidate gay/lesbian identities, relationships and communities” but also to create trans‐inclusive and gender‐expansive spaces of safety, rejuvenation, and belonging (Andrucki & Kaplan, 2018).…”
Section: Queering the Suburbanmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…His work and other studies have examined how LGBTQ+ practices such as alternative performances of domestic labor (Barrett, 2015), same‐sex parenting (Luzia, 2010), “outlaw” intimacies (Kentlyn, 2008), queer household and kinship formations (Wilkinson, 2014) as well as aesthetic and spatial adaptations (Andrucki & Kaplan, 2018; Pilkey et al, 2015; Scicluna, 2015) disrupt pre‐existing domestic architectural arrangements. But Gorman‐Murray (2007a, p. 195) argues that queering the single‐family home goes beyond symbolic disruption: through everyday repurposing and remodeling, the program of the house is continuously remade, becoming a place to not only “consolidate gay/lesbian identities, relationships and communities” but also to create trans‐inclusive and gender‐expansive spaces of safety, rejuvenation, and belonging (Andrucki & Kaplan, 2018).…”
Despite past projects to “decentre” metronormativity—a societal bias toward queer urban imaginings—in geographical scholarship, attention to suburbia has been limited due, in part, to reliance upon, and reinforcement of, an urban–rural binary that disqualifies the metropolitan periphery. This paper unpacks this binary by reviewing key themes at the intersections of the queer and suburban within the subfields of geographies of sexualities and queer geographies. It begins by outlining the American metronormativities critique and evaluating the claim that the “non‐metropolitan” should be the primary arena for unsettling the queer urban. Four key themes from the Anglo‐American‐Australian literature on the queer suburban are then surveyed: suburbanization processes, suburban relocations, suburban “ways of life,” and suburban home‐making. Having evaluated the current state of the subfield, the paper concludes by pointing to the possibilities of the queer suburban for future urban geography and geographies of LGBTQ+ sexualities scholarship.
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