Trans-ending women's rights: The politics of trans-inclusion in the age of gender

Sweeney, Belinda

doi:10.1016/s0277-5395(03)00160-2

Cited by 6 publications

(11 citation statements)

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“…Moreover, a significant amount of schol ars analysing the role played by public admin istrations in the evaluation of equality and employment policies (e.g., Barrer, 2005;Blake Beard et al, 2010;Dick y Hyde, 2006;Heery, 2006;Hite, 2007;Sweeney, 2004;Worts et al, 2007) keeps on remarking important needs of improvement, such as:…”

Section: Nešališkas Viešosios Politikos įVertinimasmentioning

confidence: 99%

Apmokymo ir užimtumo programos įvertinimas: struktūros aptarimas

Bustos¹,

Aróstegui²

2012

TQHE

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Section: Nešališkas Viešosios Politikos įVertinimasmentioning

confidence: 99%

Apmokymo ir užimtumo programos įvertinimas: struktūros aptarimas

Bustos¹,

Aróstegui²

2012

TQHE

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“…Such deconstructions of sex/gender dichotomies (such as man/woman, male/female) can be seemingly ubiquitous in poststructural feminist enquiries. In this context lesbian, radical and separatist 6 feminisms (and the blurry boundaries between these) are often caricatured as the ‘extreme’ forms of ‘essentialist’ feminism based on dubious fixed bodies/biologies that offer equally essentialist notions of women, patriarchy, men and male power (see Echols 1989; Sweeney 2004). Yet these ideas and ideals have also led to the creation of resistant spaces, communes and alternative ways of living that seek to move beyond patriarchal boundaries and often ‘man‐made’ spaces.…”

Section: Feminist Geographies and Feminist Separatismmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Patriarchy and understandings of male power are central to the herstories of women’s separatism. A key motivation for creating such alternative spaces is to challenge what are read as societal gender oppressions and hierarchies (Nicki 2006; Sweeney 2004; Wheelan 1995). Feminist separatism can have various dimensions ranging from a complete separation from men (for example, by living in women‐only communes) to the exclusion of men from sexual relations, to women’s festivals where there are only female performers and only women are invited to attend (Calhoun 1995; Morris 1999; WGSG 1984; Wilton 1995).…”

Section: Feminist Geographies and Feminist Separatismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Womyn’s separatist spaces: rethinking spaces of difference and exclusion

Browne¹

2009

Trans Inst British Geog

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This paper rethinks geographical explorations of social difference by interrogating ameliorative and pleasurable aspects of marginal spaces. Re‐introducing womyn’s separatist spaces contests feminist geographical writing in this area, requiring an examination of both the alternative ways of living that are created, and the pain of producing ‘womyn‐only’ spaces in order for such spaces to exist. The paper draws on qualitative research with 238 attendees at the 31st Michigan Womyn’s Music Festival. Womyn spoke of the pleasures of the festival and positive affinities with other womyn, as well as the festival’s herstory of conflict, negotiation and compromise. Although accounts relay ‘growing pains’ that constitute the festival’s current form, the current temporal and spatial segregations of ‘womyn’, through the womyn‐born womyn policy, has resulted in something of an impasse. Rather than reductively posing ‘the latest problem’ of feminist separatism as the exclusion of trans women because of this policy, or unequivocally celebrating the festival’s role in womyn’s lives and herstory, these polarised conceptualisations are held in tension. This enables a consideration of the paradoxes and juxtaposition of womyn’s space and Camp Trans (a protest camp that opposes the womyn‐born womyn policy) as productive. In this way, the paper argues for an engagement with marginalised and alternative spaces of difference that allow for positive affectivities and productive tensions that do not neglect relations of power.

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“…Men who have changed gender and received certificates, whether possessing entire genitals or not, will be able to access services reserved for women such as domestic violence refuges, rape phone‐line training and sheltered accommodation. This is already happening in many areas, but this access will be greatly facilitated by the GRA (Sweeney 2004). The reservation of these safe places for women is the result of the recognition that women suffer violence from men and need places where they can be removed from the possibility of that violence.…”

Section: Feminism and The Gender Recognition Actmentioning

confidence: 99%

They Know it When They See it: The UK Gender Recognition Act 2004

Jeffreys¹

2008

The British Journal of Politics and International Relations

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This article is a critical feminist analysis of the UK Gender Recognition Act of 2004. This Act is radical in enabling transgenders to gain certificates recognising their new 'acquired gender' without undergoing hormonal or surgical treatment. The Act has considerable implications for marriage, for motherhood and fatherhood, for women who are the partners of men or women who 'transition' and for 'women-only' spaces. It is based on confusing and contradictory notions of the difference between sex and gender. As such it should be of great interest to feminists but there has been a dearth of feminist commentary. The understandings of sex and gender and of the importance of the Act will be explored here through analysis of the parliamentary debates and public responses.

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Trans-ending women's rights: The politics of trans-inclusion in the age of gender

Cited by 6 publications

References 0 publications

Apmokymo ir užimtumo programos įvertinimas: struktūros aptarimas

Apmokymo ir užimtumo programos įvertinimas: struktūros aptarimas

Womyn’s separatist spaces: rethinking spaces of difference and exclusion

They Know it When They See it: The UK Gender Recognition Act 2004

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