Trajectories of a Mask Performance : the Case of the Senegalese Kumpo

Abstract

The Case of the Senegalese Kumpo* Studies on African art and its economic and aesthetic evaluation Price 1989 Kasf 1992 Steiner 1994) as well as theoretically informed studies on commoditisation Appadurai 1986a) have focused on the social life of objects The objects have been shown both to acquire the status of commodity becoming an exchangeable object as well as to lose that status becoming decommoditised and thereby losing their exchange value Such studies have also demonstrated that the objects throughout their lives concern itantly acquire various meanings This article however does not aim to describe the social life of objects but by focusing on the Kumpo mask performance in Senegal the divergent trajectories of mask performance Interestingly while the masks used in the Kumpo perform ance never became commodities themselves the performance did In order to understand the meaning of masks in their original cultural context it is essential to analyse mask performances not masks as objects.

Planned development interventions and contested development in the Casamance Region, Senegal: an enquiry into the ongoing struggles for autonomy and progres by the Casamance peasantry

“…This narrative echoes the initial view of De Jong (1999) that state penetration was the main cause of the armed rebellion. He argued that one of the reasons for widespread discontent with the Senegalese regime was its implementation of the 1964 "Loi sur le Domaine national", which led to both rural and urban land expropriations in Casamance (De Jong, 1999). The authors later questioned these views on the basis that the MFDC also accused the Senegalese government of economic negligence in promoting the development of the Casamance region.…”

“…State penetration of local society has been a critical trigger of the conflict. (De Jong, 1999) These views are corroborated by Faye (2006) who analysed the evolution of the strategy of MFDC based on the origins of its financial and political support. In the initial years of the movement (1980)(1981)(1982)(1983)(1984)(1985)(1986)(1987)(1988)(1989)(1990), the MFDC capitalised upon the grievances of the local populations, and received support from them.…”

“…I paid more attention to accounts of the conflict which emphasise the actors behind the conflict and the extent to which they pursue their own ideological, political and economic emancipation plans. This perspective provides a more credible account of the nature and social significance of the MFDC, which appears like a social mediator of State-society relations (De Jong, 1999). It also sheds light on the contradictions associated with the more recent changes in the posture of the rebellion movement towards a war economy, further alienating them from the Casamance population.…”

“…In this context several narratives related to the nature of the link are reviewed and discussed. De Jong (1999) initially situated the widespread discontent with the Senegalese regime with its implementation of the 1964 'Loi sur le Domaine national', which led to both rural and urban land expropriations in Casamance. State penetration of local society has been a critical trigger of the conflict.…”

“…The This is the gist of the grievance argument summarised by Faye (2006), which emphasises the political representation of legitimate issues and challenges faced by the Casamance people. Hence, and despite a certain fatigue in popular support for the guerrillas which was noticed from 1992 onwards, De Jong (1999) argues that the MFDC was a political expression 'par le bas' (Bayart, 1983 andBayart et al, 1992cited by De Jong, 1999. De Jong (1999) argues that 'However weak popular support for the separatist movement may be today, the MFDC initially expressed extensive local discontents with the central government'.…”