Towards illiberal conditioning? New politics of media regulations in Poland (2015–2018)

Surowiec, Paweł; Kania-Lundholm, Magdalena; Winiarska-Brodowska, Małgorzata

doi:10.1080/21599165.2019.1608826

Cited by 24 publications

(14 citation statements)

References 32 publications

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“…Since then, contributions have been made to the diagnosis of the state of the rule of law in Poland, discussing first and foremost the state of the judiciary, but also the perspectives of the public media, the private media sector, and the situation of minorities, in particular sexual minorities (e.g. Demczuk 2020 ; Girdwoyń 2015 ; Godisz and Radłuszko 2018 ; Surowiec et al 2019 ). The scholarly findings on the decreasing standard of the rule of law in Poland have been supported by the jurisprudence of the Court of Justice of the European Union and by the communications and resolutions of the European Commission, the European Parliament, and the Council of Europe.…”

Section: The Background Of the Ruling Of The Constitutional Tribunal ...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Abortion Law and Human Rights in Poland: The Closing of the Jurisprudential Horizon

Bucholc

2022

Hague J Rule Law

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On 22 October 2020, the Constitutional Tribunal of Poland ruled that an abortion due to foetal impairment was unconstitutional. This article discusses the context of this controversial ruling as well as its main tenets, focusing on the interpretation of the human rights proffered by the Tribunal and on the rule of law concerns raised by the Tribunal’s decision. Against the backdrop of a brief history of the legal regulation of abortion in Poland since 1945, the article offers a critical assessment of the human rights framework used in the Polish abortion debate. Based on a close reading of the Tribunal’s ruling and the dissenting opinions, the article points out the particularities in the Tribunal’s engagement with international law and human rights jurisprudence. The article argues that the Tribunal’s decision is yet another symptom of the crisis in which the rule of law in Poland has found itself since 2015. It bears evidence to the closing of the jurisprudential horizon caused by the political change which has been taking place in Poland since 2015, consisting of the reduction of the role of international human rights debates as a reference in Polish constitutional jurisprudence. The ruling is therefore a portent of Poland’s future compliance with its international commitments in human rights matters.

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Section: The Background Of the Ruling Of The Constitutional Tribunal ...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Abortion Law and Human Rights in Poland: The Closing of the Jurisprudential Horizon

Bucholc

2022

Hague J Rule Law

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“…European Parliament, 2013;Venice Commission, 2013;Venice Commission, 2016) and scholarly studies (e.g. Bozóki and Hegedüs, 2018;Karolewski and Benedikter, 2017;Krekó and Enyedi, 2018;Müller, 2013;Pech and Scheppele, 2017;Rupnik, 2016;Surowiec et al, 2020).…”

Section: Two Cases Of Transnational Complicitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Partisan Complicity in Democratic Backsliding

Wolkenstein¹

2020

GJN

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Recent developments in Hungary and Poland have made democratic backsliding a major issue of concern within the European Union (EU). This article focuses on the secondary agents that facilitate democratic backsliding in Hungary and Poland: the European People’s Party (EPP), which has continually protected the Hungarian Fidesz government from EU sanctions, and the Hungarian ruling party Fidesz, which repeatedly promised to block any EU-level sanctions against Poland in the Council. The article analyses these agents’ behaviour as an instance of transnational complicity and passes a tentative judgment as to which of the two cases is normatively more problematic. The analysis has implications for possible countervailing responses to democratic backsliding within EU member states.

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“…These include ideological and political economic control (e.g. Lee, 2010; Zhong, 2010); illiberal media policies and soft power statecraft (George and Venkiteswaran, 2019; Polyák, 2019; Surowiec et al, 2020); and state tactics and negotiations to ensure authoritarian resilience (Repnikova, 2017; Roberts, 2020). However, while much of the critical discussion of the media in illiberal or authoritarian contexts focuses on state power, over emphasis on the state risks suturing the complexities of the everyday practices of the media producers who negotiate these forces.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Drama production and audiences as ‘affective superaddressee’ in an illiberal democracy

Fong

2021

European Journal of Cultural Studies

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There is a long history of television and film research that highlights the essential roles audiences play in everyday production decisions. Based largely on Western media industries, these studies’ investigations of producer–audience relationships have revolved predominantly around the market concerns of liberal media models. So how do producer–audience relationships work when it comes to illiberal contexts of media production? Using Singapore as a case study, this article argues that existing approaches to producer–audience relations largely based on liberal media industries like Hollywood are insufficient for thinking through audience power in everyday media production in illiberal contexts. Drawing on insights from affect theory, I examine the materials gathered during an immersive ethnography of the writing process of a Singaporean television drama and propose conceptualizing audiences as an ‘affective superaddressee’, as a productive way to think about the work that situational audiences do in everyday media production in illiberal contexts.

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Towards illiberal conditioning? New politics of media regulations in Poland (2015–2018)

Cited by 24 publications

References 32 publications

Abortion Law and Human Rights in Poland: The Closing of the Jurisprudential Horizon

Abortion Law and Human Rights in Poland: The Closing of the Jurisprudential Horizon

Partisan Complicity in Democratic Backsliding

Drama production and audiences as ‘affective superaddressee’ in an illiberal democracy

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