Toward Kurdish Distinctiveness in Electoral Politics: The 1977 Local Elections in Di̇yarbakir

Dorronsoro, Gilles; Watts, Nicole F.

doi:10.1017/s0020743809091156

Cited by 55 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 11 publications

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“…Parti kurdiste, branche régionale du parti démocratique des peuples (HDP -Halkların Demokratik Partisi). J'utilise le terme « kurdiste » et non « pro-kurde » afin d'intégrer un ensemble d'acteurs au-delà de leur identité ethnique, qui portent des combats tels les droits culturels et politiques des Kurdes en Turquie (Dorronsoro, Watts, 2009). 7.…”

Section: Production D'une Société Disciplinée Et Criminalisation Des Pratiques Dissidentesunclassified

Répression participative et contrôle social de la dissidence sous l’AKP en Turquie

Pineau¹

2020

Pôle Sud

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Distribution électronique Cairn.info pour ARPoS. © ARPoS. Tous droits réservés pour tous pays.La reproduction ou représentation de cet article, notamment par photocopie, n'est autorisée que dans les limites des conditions générales d'utilisation du site ou, le cas échéant, des conditions générales de la licence souscrite par votre établissement. Toute autre reproduction ou représentation, en tout ou partie, sous quelque forme et de quelque manière que ce soit, est interdite sauf accord préalable et écrit de l'éditeur, en dehors des cas prévus par la législation en vigueur en France. Il est précisé que son stockage dans une base de données est également interdit.

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Section: Production D'une Société Disciplinée Et Criminalisation Des Pratiques Dissidentesunclassified

Répression participative et contrôle social de la dissidence sous l’AKP en Turquie

Pineau¹

2020

Pôle Sud

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“…Kurdish ethnolinguistic demands were channeled through Islamist and socialist parties from the 1960s until late 1980s, as well as through independent candidates (Akturk, :143–62; Dorronsoro and Watts, ). The illegal Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), considered a terrorist organization by the United States and the European Union, launched a major guerrilla insurgency in 1984.…”

Section: Turkeymentioning

confidence: 99%

Religion and Nationalism: Contradictions of Islamic Origins and Secular Nation‐Building in Turkey, Algeria, and Pakistan*

Aktürk

2015

Social Science Quarterly

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Objectives. Turkey, Algeria, and Pakistan have been persistently challenged, since their founding, by both Islamist and ethnic separatist movements. These challenges claimed the lives of tens of thousands of people in each country. I investigate the causes behind the concurrence of Islamist and ethnic separatist challenges to the state in Turkey, Algeria, and Pakistan. Method. This research employs comparative historical analysis, and more specifically, a most different systems design. In addition to small-N cross-national comparison, I also designed an intertemporal comparison, whereby Turkish, Algerian, and Pakistani history is divided into four periods, corresponding to preindependence, mobilization for independence, postindependence secular nation-building, and Islamist and ethnic separatist challenge periods. Results. Contrary to the prevailing view in the scholarship, this article formulates an alternative reinterpretation of Turkish, Algerian, and Pakistani nation-state formation. These three states were founded on the basis of an Islamic mobilization against non-Muslim opponents, but having successfully defeated these non-Muslim opponents, their political elites chose a secular and monolingual nation-state model, which they thought would maximize their national security and improve the socioeconomic status of their Muslim constituencies. The choice of a secular and monolingual nation-state model led to recurrent challenges of increasing magnitude to the state in the form of Islamist and ethnic separatist movements. The causal mechanism outlined in this article resembles what has been metaphorically described as a "meteorite" (Pierson, 2004), where the cause is short term (secular nationalist turn after independence) but the outcome unfolds over the long term (Islamist and ethnic separatist challenges). Conclusion. A distinct and counterintuitive path of nation-state formation has been identified based on the cases of Turkey, Algeria, and Pakistan. This research demonstrates that a contradiction between the goals of the original mobilization that establishes the state and policies of its postindependence governments can be a major structural source of instability and violence in the long run. These findings suggest that theories of nationalism that were developed based on the European experience of ethnic or linguistic nationalism need to be modified in explaining the religious nationalism that is found in the origins of some of the major nation-states in the Muslim world.Why are the Turkish, Algerian, and Pakistani states persistently challenged, since their founding, by both Islamist and ethnic separatist movements, with some of these challenges resulting in extremely violent confrontations? While there are many states where religious movements challenge secularism, such as India and the United States (Kuru, 2007; Needham and Rajan, 2007), and there are many other states that face challenges from * for their constructive comments and criticisms on previous versions of this article. As usual, all respons...

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“…It lacked an armed wing, but published a popular magazine and enjoyed support among professionals, students, and workers. 1 I The TKSP-backed candidates won the municipal elections in Diyarbakir in 1977 and Agn in 1979 and several union elections (Doronsoro and Watts 2009;Burkay 2010, 109-111, 153). In contrast to the TKSP , the T-KDP (known as KiPIDDKD after 1977) argued that the liberation of the Kurdish people would be achieved by armed struggle.…”

Section: Kurdish Nationalist Activism In the 1960s And 1970smentioning

confidence: 99%

Violence and nationalist mobilization: the onset of the Kurdish insurgency in Turkey

Tezcür

2015

Natl. pap.

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According to theories of nonviolent resistance, violence is counterproductive and undermines the ability of a movement to achieve mass support. At the same time, studies of ethnic insurgencies suggest that violence is the only available method of mobilization in political systems characterized by entrenched ethnic hierarchies. Engaging with these arguments, this article addresses a historical puzzle: What factors explain the timing and ability of the PKK's (Partiye Karkerên Kurdistan) rise as the hegemonic Kurdish nationalist organization in Turkey between the late 1970s and 1990? The article argues that studies that identify Kurdish nationalism as a reaction to repressive policies of the Turkish state without paying attention to prevailing social conditions and oppositional strategies fail to provide a satisfactory response. It argues that the rise of the PKK was primarily a function of its ability to gain support among the peasantry in deeply unequal rural areas through its strategic employment of violence. It also identifies four causal mechanisms of PKK recruitment based on rich archival and field research: credibility, revenge, social mobility, and gender emancipation.

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Toward Kurdish Distinctiveness in Electoral Politics: The 1977 Local Elections in Di̇yarbakir

Cited by 55 publications

References 11 publications

Répression participative et contrôle social de la dissidence sous l’AKP en Turquie

Répression participative et contrôle social de la dissidence sous l’AKP en Turquie

Religion and Nationalism: Contradictions of Islamic Origins and Secular Nation‐Building in Turkey, Algeria, and Pakistan*

Violence and nationalist mobilization: the onset of the Kurdish insurgency in Turkey

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