Abstract:Anthropologists concerned with political violence and justice must engage in a comparative examination of culpability for past and ongoing crimes. When powerful states use reparations, truth commissions, or war crime tribunals to attribute culpability to others, including their past selves, they often, paradoxically, legitimize ongoing injustices. As against culturalist explanations for mass violence, which set up a hierarchy of cultures, we need to look at the institutional sites through which public morality… Show more
“…Some scholars maintain that government-based justice initiatives, including court cases, focus on short-term jurisprudence and employ topÀ down structures that fail to fully engage affected communities (Merry, 1992;Speed, 2009;Sundar, 2004). Focus on positive law may, in fact, perpetuate cycles of violence through the empowerment of states via legitimization of their ability to recognize, or not, the rights of communities.…”
Section: Situating Lote Ocho's Vulnerability: Power and Lawmentioning
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About Emerald www.emeraldinsight.comEmerald is a global publisher linking research and practice to the benefit of society. The company manages a portfolio of more than 290 journals and over 2,350 books and book series volumes, as well as providing an extensive range of online products and additional customer resources and services.
ABSTRACTPurpose À To assess how an indigenous community in Guatemala, displaced by a mining project, has collaborated with international human rights advocacy organizations to address chronic insecurity and vulnerability resulting from the violence of their displacement.Methodology/approach À The research for this case study was gathered using unstructured interviews with Lote Ocho community members and human rights advocates as well as textual analysis of social media documents, press releases, and reports. Participant observation was conducted during a community forum. Human rights theory, post-conflict theory, disaster theory, and narrative economy frameworks informed the research.
“…Some scholars maintain that government-based justice initiatives, including court cases, focus on short-term jurisprudence and employ topÀ down structures that fail to fully engage affected communities (Merry, 1992;Speed, 2009;Sundar, 2004). Focus on positive law may, in fact, perpetuate cycles of violence through the empowerment of states via legitimization of their ability to recognize, or not, the rights of communities.…”
Section: Situating Lote Ocho's Vulnerability: Power and Lawmentioning
If you would like to write for this, or any other Emerald publication, then please use our Emerald for Authors service information about how to choose which publication to write for and submission guidelines are available for all. Please visit www.emeraldinsight.com/authors for more information.
About Emerald www.emeraldinsight.comEmerald is a global publisher linking research and practice to the benefit of society. The company manages a portfolio of more than 290 journals and over 2,350 books and book series volumes, as well as providing an extensive range of online products and additional customer resources and services.
ABSTRACTPurpose À To assess how an indigenous community in Guatemala, displaced by a mining project, has collaborated with international human rights advocacy organizations to address chronic insecurity and vulnerability resulting from the violence of their displacement.Methodology/approach À The research for this case study was gathered using unstructured interviews with Lote Ocho community members and human rights advocates as well as textual analysis of social media documents, press releases, and reports. Participant observation was conducted during a community forum. Human rights theory, post-conflict theory, disaster theory, and narrative economy frameworks informed the research.
“…This discussion came to be configured through larger debates over Islamic reform and the expunging of the 'Hindu' aspect of ritual from 'properly' Islamic procedure. 21 In Ahmedabad, the legacy of the pogrom with visual images of dismembered bodies that circulated during and in the immediate aftermath of the violence (Ghassem-Fachandi 2012: 59-92), combined with a very visceral and embodied memory of the highly sexualised nature of the violence enacted on the bodies of Muslim women (Sarkar 2002;Sundar 2004), coloured local Muslim perceptions of death. It is as though the death of the individual Muslim could not be separated from the mass death suffered by the community as a whole.…”
Section: Violence Death and The (Im)possible Giftmentioning
This article is an ethnographic perspective on organ donation in the western Indian state of Gujarat. It suggests that debates around organ donation-from the perspective of religion as well as state-become critical to an understanding of not just how a global discourse translates into a local cultural context, but also how it configures specific cultural subjectivities around religion, death and violence. Through a discussion on how organ donation is framed by law and society as a desirable social good in general and as dan in particular, the article concludes that the emergent public discourse on organ transplant finds an 'elective affinity' with Hindu and Jain debates on death, rendering itself as a discourse that excludes Gujarat's Muslims. Given the violence that configures recent Gujarati Muslim experiences of death, the article asks what the social consequences of organ donation discourses are for those who cannot share in the discursive construction of organ donation as a celebratory exercise in gift giving.
“…And yet another significant rhetorical switch seems to occur in the wake of the 2002 Gujarat riots, giving form to outrage in another idiom. Several writers have pointed out that BJP ministers in Gujarat and at the Center were quick to label the attack on kar sevaks in the Sabarmati Express as a “pre‐planned act of collective terrorism ”, with other terms like ‘atrocity’ and ‘massacre’ thrown in for good measure (Sundar 2004, p. 154; emphasis added). Such descriptions make obvious use of dominant, U.S.‐mobilized, national and international discourses of terror to simultaneously characterize and condemn (Varadarajan 2002).…”
Section: Hatementioning
confidence: 99%
“…[w]hat happened in Gujarat from February 28 until at least mid‐April fits most of the provisions of the definition of genocide provided by the 1948 UN Convention on Genocide, to which India is a signatory (2004, p. 154). …”
This article is the second of three in a series surveying research on Hindutva (Hindu nationalism or political Hinduism). Here I review prominent rhetorical characterizations and strategies that scholars have used to come to terms with and politically oppose Hindu religious politics, both in India and transnationally. The essay suggests that this literature represents a distinct approach to the study of hindutva that needs to be separated from other, less politically oriented studies. (The first essay in the series surveyed literature on seminal articulations of hindutva, both historical and contemporary; the third examines writings that take hindutva as a form of practice).
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