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The determinants and consequences of teachers' beliefsResearchers in the social cognition field have suggested that t e a ch e rs' beliefs about, and attitudes towa rd, student diversity and heterogeneity play a central role in students' i n t egration into standard settings (Semmel, Abern at hy, Butera & Lesar, 1991). In part i c u l a r, empirical data show that teach e rs possess low academic expectations in relation to children with special educational needs. In a study by Aloia, Maxwe l l and Aloia (1981), teachers' impressions of the intellectual potential of a child who was labelled as 'mentally retarded' were lower than those for a non-disabled child.What is more, early studies on educational integration (for example, Jamieson, 1984) found that teachers were very apprehensive about the quality of the academic work that children with special educational needs would produce once they were integrated in regular classrooms. They also expressed other doubts, namely concerns about the degree to which children were prepared for integration and the amount of individualised education time that would be required by pupils with special learning needs (Bender, Vail & Scott, 1995).Despite the ge n e ral acceptance of the principle of integration, some studies reveal that teachers do not seem ready for it (Semmel et al., 1991). This scenario is also supported in Scruggs and Mastropieri's (1996) review of studies conducted between 1956 and 1995, wh i ch concluded that about 70% of teachers support the concept of mainstreaming, but that only a third feel that they have sufficient time, skills, training or resources to support the practice of integration.In overall terms, teachers' attitudes toward integration are determined by several factors. The first of these is training. Bender et al. (1995) showed that teachers' attitudes toward school integration did positively correlate with the number of in-service training courses on teaching children with special educational needs that they had taken. According to these data, teach e rs wo rking at higher gra d e -l eve l s displayed more negative attitudes. Experience is a second factor. Data from a study by Center and Ward (1987) showed that younger teachers -and consequently those with less teaching experience -displayed more favourable attitudes toward mainstreaming. Chalmers (1991) showed that elementary and secondary teachers tend to differ in both their views of integration and the kinds of classroom accommodations they make for students who experience special educational needs. Villa, Thousand, Meyers and Nevin's (1996) research on the perceptions of teachers and a d m i n i s t rat o rs wo rking in heterogeneous educat i o n environments suggest that experience with the practice of i n cl u s ive education develops teach e rs' ab i l i t y, their perception of competence and their belief in educating heterogeneous classes. What is more, findings from a study by Soodak, Podell and Lehman (1998) indicate that teachers who possessed low teaching efficacy; who lacked...
The determinants and consequences of teachers' beliefsResearchers in the social cognition field have suggested that t e a ch e rs' beliefs about, and attitudes towa rd, student diversity and heterogeneity play a central role in students' i n t egration into standard settings (Semmel, Abern at hy, Butera & Lesar, 1991). In part i c u l a r, empirical data show that teach e rs possess low academic expectations in relation to children with special educational needs. In a study by Aloia, Maxwe l l and Aloia (1981), teachers' impressions of the intellectual potential of a child who was labelled as 'mentally retarded' were lower than those for a non-disabled child.What is more, early studies on educational integration (for example, Jamieson, 1984) found that teachers were very apprehensive about the quality of the academic work that children with special educational needs would produce once they were integrated in regular classrooms. They also expressed other doubts, namely concerns about the degree to which children were prepared for integration and the amount of individualised education time that would be required by pupils with special learning needs (Bender, Vail & Scott, 1995).Despite the ge n e ral acceptance of the principle of integration, some studies reveal that teachers do not seem ready for it (Semmel et al., 1991). This scenario is also supported in Scruggs and Mastropieri's (1996) review of studies conducted between 1956 and 1995, wh i ch concluded that about 70% of teachers support the concept of mainstreaming, but that only a third feel that they have sufficient time, skills, training or resources to support the practice of integration.In overall terms, teachers' attitudes toward integration are determined by several factors. The first of these is training. Bender et al. (1995) showed that teachers' attitudes toward school integration did positively correlate with the number of in-service training courses on teaching children with special educational needs that they had taken. According to these data, teach e rs wo rking at higher gra d e -l eve l s displayed more negative attitudes. Experience is a second factor. Data from a study by Center and Ward (1987) showed that younger teachers -and consequently those with less teaching experience -displayed more favourable attitudes toward mainstreaming. Chalmers (1991) showed that elementary and secondary teachers tend to differ in both their views of integration and the kinds of classroom accommodations they make for students who experience special educational needs. Villa, Thousand, Meyers and Nevin's (1996) research on the perceptions of teachers and a d m i n i s t rat o rs wo rking in heterogeneous educat i o n environments suggest that experience with the practice of i n cl u s ive education develops teach e rs' ab i l i t y, their perception of competence and their belief in educating heterogeneous classes. What is more, findings from a study by Soodak, Podell and Lehman (1998) indicate that teachers who possessed low teaching efficacy; who lacked...
This study examined young students' perceptions of gender‐appropriate science courses. The sample consisted of 427 students in grades 4, 5, and 6, between the ages of 9 and 13. Students completed the Course Selection Sheet (CSS) to choose courses for themselves and members of the opposite gender. A psychosocial framework was offered to explain the differential course selection patterns between young boys and girls. The study reveals a strong gender effect pointing toward stereotypical perceptions of selected science courses for oneself (p ≤ 0.01). When students selected science courses for the opposite gender, the evidence of gender‐role stereotypes was even greater (p < 0.000). Course selection profiles imply that a reciprocal relationship exists in the number and kind of courses selected by girls and boys. A detailed analysis suggests that both boys and girls perceive physical science and technology‐related courses as appropriate subjects for boys to study and life sciences as appropriate subjects for girls to study. Surprisingly, students' future science course selections resemble current enrollment data of master's and doctoral candidates. The students' perceptions of science are seen years prior to the actual encounter with the science courses listed on the course selection menu. These findings question the auspiciousness of programs designed to ameliorate gender differences in science during junior or senior high school years. Suggestions for school curriculum development and the importance of informal science experiences were examined. © 1999 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Sci Ed 83:55–75, 1999.
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