Abstract:Recent decades have witnessed the remarkable rise of a kind of market authority almost as centralized as the state itself – two credit rating agencies, Moody's and Standard & Poor's. These agencies derive their influence from two sources. The first is the information content of their ratings. The second is both more profound and vastly more problematic: Ratings are incorporated into financial regulations in the United States and around the world. In this article we clarify the role of credit rating agencie… Show more
“…36 Debates over meanings often reflect different cultural and ideological understandings about the concepts in question. 37 Potential users are more likely to view benchmarks as authoritative if the underlying concepts are defined in ways that match their worldviews. Illustrating this idea, among audiences that care about democratic elections, the reports of election monitors from non-democracies tend to lack credibility and thus private authority because such monitors are not perceived by audiences in democracies as wanting to promote free and fair elections.…”
TheFreedom in the World(FITW) ratings of countries’ freedom, created by Freedom House in 1972, are widely used by many U.S. audiences, including journalists, policymakers, and scholars. Why and how did these ratings acquire private authority in the United States? Furthermore, why and to what extent have they retained private authority over time and across different audiences? Contrary to previous research on private authority, which emphasizes the role of raters’ expertise and independence, I advance an argument that emphasizes the role of ideological affinity between raters and users. Specifically, I argue that ratings are more likely to have authority among actors that share raters’ ideas about concept definition and coding. I also argue that ratings are more likely to have authority among weak actors that depend on powerful other users of the ratings. Diverse evidence and methods—including data on the ratings’ usage, an internal archive of Freedom House records, interviews with key informants, and a statistical analysis of bias—support the argument.
“…36 Debates over meanings often reflect different cultural and ideological understandings about the concepts in question. 37 Potential users are more likely to view benchmarks as authoritative if the underlying concepts are defined in ways that match their worldviews. Illustrating this idea, among audiences that care about democratic elections, the reports of election monitors from non-democracies tend to lack credibility and thus private authority because such monitors are not perceived by audiences in democracies as wanting to promote free and fair elections.…”
TheFreedom in the World(FITW) ratings of countries’ freedom, created by Freedom House in 1972, are widely used by many U.S. audiences, including journalists, policymakers, and scholars. Why and how did these ratings acquire private authority in the United States? Furthermore, why and to what extent have they retained private authority over time and across different audiences? Contrary to previous research on private authority, which emphasizes the role of raters’ expertise and independence, I advance an argument that emphasizes the role of ideological affinity between raters and users. Specifically, I argue that ratings are more likely to have authority among actors that share raters’ ideas about concept definition and coding. I also argue that ratings are more likely to have authority among weak actors that depend on powerful other users of the ratings. Diverse evidence and methods—including data on the ratings’ usage, an internal archive of Freedom House records, interviews with key informants, and a statistical analysis of bias—support the argument.
“…Rating processes are frequently criticized for being insufficiently transparent and objective (Sinclair 1994; 2005; Bruner and Abdelal 2005; Iyengar 2010). It is claimed that more publicly available information about rating processes could enhance the understanding of final ratings and help market participants form better expectations about the creditworthiness of rated entities.…”
Section: Applying the Rationalist And The Sociological Optic To The Cmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This creates an artificial demand for credit ratings issued by firmly established CRAs that is not conditional upon the actual quality of ratings. Therefore, “ratings no longer function as opinions to be taken or left by investors, and market discipline is accordingly sacrificed” (Bruner and Abdelal 2005, 202). Put differently, regulators have endowed CRAs with a legal authority that translates into an authoritativeness of ratings which is not conditional on the actual quality of ratings.…”
Section: Applying the Rationalist And The Sociological Optic To The Cmentioning
In the aftermath of the 2008 crisis, scholars have begun to revise their conceptions of how market participants interact. While the traditional “rationalist optic” posits market participants who are able to process decision‐relevant information and thereby transform uncertainty into quantifiable risks, the increasingly popular “sociological optic” stresses the role of uncertainty in expectation formation and social conventions for creating confidence in markets. Applications of the sociological optic to concrete regulatory problems are still limited. By subjecting both optics to the same regulatory problem—the role of credit rating agencies (CRAs) and their ratings in capital markets—this paper provides insights into whether the sociological optic offers advice to tackle concrete regulatory problems and discusses the potential of the sociological optic in complementing the rationalist optic. The empirical application suggests that the sociological optic is not only able to improve our understanding of the role of CRAs and their ratings, but also to provide solutions complementary to those posited by the rationalist optic.
“…It is true that the threat of a sovereign ratings downgrade operates as a significant coercive force driving national governments to design and implement policies that accommodate CRAs’ tastes and will earn their approval (Sinclair, 1994, 2003; Gatz, 2004). Noticing that the dominant internationally active CRAs are established in the US, some commentators move one step further to argue that ratings play the role of the Trojan Horse to “export US models of financial orthodoxy” (Sinclair, 1994, p. 149) or, to put it more directly, to disseminate “U.S.‐centric standards globally” as US‐based CRAs “are, ironically, in a position to tell other governments what to do and how to conduct their economic policies in a blunt vocabulary unavailable to the U.S. government” (Bruner and Abdelal, 2005, pp. 208–209) 12…”
Section: The Eu's Regulatory “Excitement” With Cras: Exaggerationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The Dodd‐Frank Act contemplates separate disclosure of the qualitative and quantitative information underlying ratings 187 . A further step would be to mandate that CRAs provide a distinct quantitative‐only rating along with their basic overall rating such that investors can identify the pure quantitative credit assessment of CRAs and how much it has been affected by rating analysts’ subjective‐qualitative assessment when producing the overall rating (Bruner and Abdelal, 2005, pp. 211–213).…”
Section: Rating the Principles Of The New Eu Regulatory Architecmentioning
The undergoing financial turbulence has raised significant concerns over the role that credit rating agencies (CRAs) played in the inception, magnification and expansion of the crisis. In response, the EU legislature has adopted Regulation 1060/2009, which, for the first time, set out a legally binding pan‐European authorization regime for CRAs, which issue ratings that have been used by EU‐based financial institutions. As the turmoil turned into an unprecedented Eurozone debt crisis, EU politicians have been calling for tighter regulation of the credit rating industry. Drawing on the relevant empirical and theoretical research and building upon a comparative study of the corresponding US framework, the paper discusses critically the principles underlying EU Regulation 1060/2009 and the most recent suggestions for its reform. The paper argues that although, overall, the EU Regulation seems to be a well‐balanced instrument in the sense that it introduces the essential checks upon CRAs’ behavior while avoiding excessive regulatory intervention, more fine‐tuning is needed in certain fields, including, rating shopping, financial ties with rated entities, abuse of inside information, transparency and CRAs’ accountability.
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