It has been demonstrated using the "silent-center" (SC) syllable paradigm that there is sufficient information in syllable onsets and offsets, taken together, to support accurate identification of vowels spoken in both citation-form syllables and syllables spoken in sentence context. Using edited natural speech stimuli, the present study examined the identification of American English vowels when increasing amounts of syllable onsets alone or syllable offsets alone were presented in their original sentence context. The stimuli were /d /-vowel-/ d / syllables spoken in a short carrier sentence by a male speaker. Listeners attempted to identify the vowels in experimental conditions that differed in the number of pitch periods presented and whether the pitch periods were from syllable onsets or syllable offsets. In general, syllable onsets were more informative than syllable offsets, although neither onsets nor offsets alone specified vowel identity as well as onsets and offsets together (SC syllables). Vowels differed widely in ease of identification; the diphthongized long vowels /e l, / reI, /0/ were especially difficult to identify from syllable offsets. Identification of vowels as "front" or "back" was accurate, even from short samples of the syllable; however, vowel "height" was quite difficult to determine, again, especially from syllable offsets. The results emphasize the perceptual importance of time-varying acoustic parameters, which are the direct consequence of the articulatory dynamics involved in producing syllables.For many years it was the "received view" that the primary information for vowel identification was carried in the quasi-steady-state vocalic portions of syllables and that this information could be characterized in terms of static vowel "targets" (i.e., the relative frequencies of the first two or three formants of the vocal tract). Acoustic descriptions of vowels were traditionally given as a set of formant values measured from a single spectral section taken at the steady-state or durational midpoint of the syllable (Joos, 1948; Ladefoged, 1967;Peterson & Barney, 1952). Such a description now seems to be too limited. There have been hints in the literature for almost 50 years that steady-state vowels did not capture the information used by listeners in normal communicative use. Tiffany (1953) showed that vowels of several durations, gated out of sustained vowel productions (eliminating onsets and offsets) were not as readily identifiable as 200-msec isolated vowels that included onsets and offsets, and that these in tum were not as identifiable as 200-msec stimuli produced in a consonant context (It! V /p/). Fairbanks and Grubb (1961) found only 74% identifiability of nine