1970
DOI: 10.1080/00438243.1970.9979473
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Tikal, Guatemala and Mesoamerican urbanism

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Cited by 85 publications
(40 citation statements)
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“…The Caracol data have been particularly influential in shaping much of this debate, contributing to our understanding of city planning and to the complexities of local populations and politics. At a time when some Mesoamericanists were arguing that Maya sites were ''regal-ritual'' centers (Sanders and Webster 1988), implying a less than urban status, the archaeological data from both Caracol and Tikal, Guatemala, were used to demonstrate a much more complex social situation that was consistent with urbanism (D. Chase et al 1990;Haviland 1970). M. Smith (2007Smith ( , 2010aSmith ( , b, 2011 has since undertaken substantial research on ancient urbanism and demonstrated the diversity that existed in cities and urban planning in antiquity.…”
Section: Maya Urbanismmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The Caracol data have been particularly influential in shaping much of this debate, contributing to our understanding of city planning and to the complexities of local populations and politics. At a time when some Mesoamericanists were arguing that Maya sites were ''regal-ritual'' centers (Sanders and Webster 1988), implying a less than urban status, the archaeological data from both Caracol and Tikal, Guatemala, were used to demonstrate a much more complex social situation that was consistent with urbanism (D. Chase et al 1990;Haviland 1970). M. Smith (2007Smith ( , 2010aSmith ( , b, 2011 has since undertaken substantial research on ancient urbanism and demonstrated the diversity that existed in cities and urban planning in antiquity.…”
Section: Maya Urbanismmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Because the spatial parameter was not fully controlled, a multitude of sociopolitical models proliferated. Long-standing questions about Maya urbanism (35,36), their ancient population sizes (37), and the structure of their states (38) remained unanswered, with some researchers insisting that the Maya were not especially developed (39,40) and others arguing for a range of complex systems (41). Similar issues, largely driven by ethnohistory and not epigraphy, existed in the highlands of Mesoamerica, especially in regard to the extent and role of Tula in central Mexican developments (42).…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The commonly used figure of 5.6 people per house comes from Redfield and villa Rojas's (1934) ethnographic study of the Yucatec Maya village of Chan Kom, Yucatán. This figure was used at Mayapán (A. L. Smith 1962) and at Tikal (Haviland 1970). Alternative figures have been put forward based on sixteenth-century ethnohistorical accounts (e.g., the Cozumel census of 1570; Roys et al 1940), such as Haviland's (1972) figure of 4.9 individuals in a nuclear family.…”
Section: Population Estimatesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In other words, Chunchucmil does not exhibit the spatial pattern discussed by Bishop Landa, in which the richest and most powerful people live closest to the site center (Diane Chase [1986] notes that Landa's account, rather than an accurate description of precolonial settlements in Yucatán, may have been plagiarized from earlier descriptions of colonial towns elsewhere in Latin America). Archaeologists have debated whether this spatial pattern, often called concentric, existed at Classic-period sites such as Tikal, Cobá, and Dzibilchaltún (Arnold and Ford 1980;Folan et al 1982Folan et al , 2009Haviland 1966Haviland , 1970Haviland , 1982Hutson 2016;Kurjack 1974). At Chunchucmil, houselots with substantial architecture (group type 10), implying greater control of resources, are just as common in the residential periphery as they are in the residential core Magnoni et al 2012).…”
Section: The Residential Peripherymentioning
confidence: 99%