Threading a needle: <scp>K</scp>azakhstan between civic and ethno‐nationalist state‐building

Beacháin, Donnacha Ó; Kevlihan, Robert

doi:10.1111/nana.12022

Cited by 47 publications

(13 citation statements)

References 34 publications

(36 reference statements)

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“…In Kazakhstan, for instance, the national ideology relies on and at the same time enforces the position of the president, who has been in power since 1990. After independence, Nursultan Nazarbayev, called Elbasy (father of the nation), wrote a number of books to promote the national ideology (Ó Beacháin and Kevlihan, 2013). Even though his leadership style does not, according to some scholars (Isaacs, 2010), entirely fit the notion of charisma developed by Weber, Nazarbayev is considered to have been a key factor in leading the country through the post-independence period towards stability and development.…”

Section: Figure 3: Legitimation Strategies In Central Asiamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…More generally, ideology-based legitimacy claims in these countries combine a vocal nationalism with references to a particular (Uzbek) model or (Kazakhstani) mode of democratisation that prioritises stability and development over political liberalisation. This nationalism, which posits the resurgence of great ancient civilisations through the newly founded nations (Liu, 2005), may either be ethnically based or aim at least partially at a more broad-based state-building process able to encompass multiple ethnic groups, as, for example, in Kazakhstan (Ó Beacháin and Kevlihan, 2013;Del Sordi, 2015).…”

Section: Figure 3: Legitimation Strategies In Central Asiamentioning

confidence: 99%

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How Do Non-Democratic Regimes Claim Legitimacy? Comparative Insights from Post-Soviet Countries

Soest

Grauvogel

2015

SSRN Journal

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Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen:Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden.Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen.Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. www.econstor.eu www.giga-hamburg.de/workingpapers GIGA Working Papers serve to disseminate the research results of work in progress prior to publicaton to encourage the exchange of ideas and academic debate. Inclusion of a paper in the Working Papers series does not constitute publication and should not limit publication in any other venue. Copyright remains with the authors. The analysis using the new Regime Legitimation Expert Survey (RLES) demonstrates that non-democratic rulers in post-Soviet countries use specific combinations of legitimating claims to stay in power. Most notably, rulers claim to be the guardians of citizens' socioeconomic well-being. Second, despite recurrent infringements on political and civil rights, they maintain that their power is rule-based and embodies the will of the people, as they have been given popular electoral mandates. Third, they couple these elements with inputbased legitimation strategies that focus on nationalist ideologies, the personal capabilities and charismatic aura of the rulers, and the regime's foundational myth. Overall, the reliance on these input-based strategies is lower in the western post-Soviet Eurasian countries and very pronounced among the authoritarian rulers of Central Asia. Terms of use: Documents in GIGA Research Programme: Legitimacy and Efficiency of Political Systems

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Section: Figure 3: Legitimation Strategies In Central Asiamentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Figure 3: Legitimation Strategies In Central Asiamentioning

confidence: 99%

How Do Non-Democratic Regimes Claim Legitimacy? Comparative Insights from Post-Soviet Countries

Soest

Grauvogel

2015

SSRN Journal

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“…While some authors argue these policies reflected an ethnic-oriented tendency in Kazakhstani nation-building processes (Brubaker 2011;Davenel 2012;Hale 2009;Jin 2006;Sarsembayev 1999), others point out that President Nazarbayev has followed "strategic ambiguity" between ethnic and civic nationalism in the post-Soviet period, carefully balancing between ethnic rhetoric and civic policies by showing declarative and legislative support for Kazakhification, but not taking practical measures to see Kazakhification through (Ó Beacháin and Kevlihan 2013;Surucu 2002). In fact, Nazarbayev's reluctance to quickly implement the Kazakhification policies he speaks of can be interpreted as a strategy of catering to minorities and containing both Kazakh and Russian nationalism (Danzer 2009(Danzer , 1559.…”

Section: Repatriation To Kazakhstanmentioning

confidence: 96%

Political aspects of repatriation: Germany, Russia, Kazakhstan. A comparative analysis

Zeveleva

2014

Natl. pap.

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This paper is based on a study which compares repatriation policies of Germany, Russia, and Kazakhstan. The choice of cases is based on a “most similar case design.” The Russian case results in unsuccessful and unsustainable repatriation, the German case exhibits a change from sustainable repatriation to a slow termination of the program, while the case of Kazakhstan is one of sustainable and relatively successful repatriation. The main argument of the paper is that in order for a repatriation program to be sustainable, the program must contain both a practical component and an ideological component. If a repatriation program lacks ideological backing which permeates other aspects of political life in a state, then the repatriation program grinds to a halt. If a repatriation program has ideological backing, but is rendered impractical and does not meet the economic, demographic and labor market needs of a state, then the further development of the program stops. The findings of this study merit further reflection on issues of changing national identities, on transnational migration pathways, and on the “post-Soviet condition” which has set the stage for all of the aforementioned processes and transformations.

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“…The distinction is made necessary by the multi-ethnic nature of Kazakhstan, and the country's efforts to create a civic identity alongside an ethnic one. See Ó Beacháin and Kevlihan (2013). 3.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Sponsoring student mobility for developmentandauthoritarian stability: Kazakhstan’s Bolashak programme

Sordi

2017

Globalizations

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Soon after independence, Kazakhstan established the state-sponsored student mobility programme 'Bolashak', which has since provided almost 12,000 young people with full scholarships for their studies abroad. Bolashak is considered here as a multidimensional tool, promoting development and channelling authoritarian rule at the same time. Through a series of qualitative interviews with alumni of the programme, this paper investigates the authoritarian and paternalistic features in Bolashak-related policies and discourses, looking at how they contribute to the three 'pillars' of authoritarian stability: repression, co-optation and legitimation. The findings of this paper question the assumption that globalization is bringing only challenges to autocracies. Kazakhstan is an example of how contemporary authoritarian regimes may open up to the world in order to seek development as well as political stability.

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Threading a needle: Kazakhstan between civic and ethno‐nationalist state‐building

Cited by 47 publications

References 34 publications

How Do Non-Democratic Regimes Claim Legitimacy? Comparative Insights from Post-Soviet Countries

How Do Non-Democratic Regimes Claim Legitimacy? Comparative Insights from Post-Soviet Countries

Political aspects of repatriation: Germany, Russia, Kazakhstan. A comparative analysis

Sponsoring student mobility for developmentandauthoritarian stability: Kazakhstan’s Bolashak programme

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