“Thousands of New Sankaras”: Resistance and Struggle in Burkina Faso

Hagberg, Sten

doi:10.1177/000203971505000305

Cited by 11 publications

(11 citation statements)

References 10 publications

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“…or through social media, played a decisive role in the insurgency. Hagberg has spoken of a ‘generational shift’ (2015: 115–16) to describe the repercussions of this revolution. Many young people had become aware of their strength and ability to change things, and consequently nothing could be done without taking them into consideration.…”

Section: From a Change Of Political Guard To A New Islamic Leadershipmentioning

confidence: 99%

Francophone Muslim intellectuals, Islamic associational life and religious authority in Burkina Faso

Madore¹

2020

Africa

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The attention paid to the security threats hanging over Burkina Faso, while legitimate, has overshadowed the underlying transformations in Islamic associational life since the fall of President Blaise Compaoré in October 2014. This major political upheaval had a significant impact on the participation of Muslims in socio-political debates, the relations between generations and, more widely, the bases upon which religious authority is claimed. This article analyses the competition for religious leadership between Islamic actors in the public sphere in Burkina Faso by focusing mainly on francophone ‘Muslim intellectuals’. First, the study shows the gap between the gerontocracy at the helm of the main Islamic associations and the Burkinabe youth, which widened throughout the 1990s and 2000s and came strongly to the fore after the popular uprising of October 2014. Second, taking advantage of the space left vacant by traditional community leaders during the transition process, some young francophone ‘Muslim intellectuals’ actively sought to portray themselves as the vehicles of a ‘civil Islam’ and strove to promote new forms of civic engagement through religion. Other Muslim organizations have also tried to take advantage of the new political context to strengthen their presence in the socio-political arena.

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Section: From a Change Of Political Guard To A New Islamic Leadershipmentioning

confidence: 99%

Francophone Muslim intellectuals, Islamic associational life and religious authority in Burkina Faso

Madore¹

2020

Africa

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“…In the 1990s, dozos organized into hunters’ movements to ensure protection and security in rural areas. Some of these movements began in Côte d’Ivoire, and they soon became part of the Ivorian political crisis in that they were defined as belonging to “the North,” sometimes as “strangers” in the xenophobic rhetoric in the increasingly divided country (Bassett 2004; Förster 2010; Hellweg 2011; Hagberg & Ouattara 2010). Dozos in Burkina Faso were inspired by these movements in Côte d’Ivoire; the late Tiefing Coulibaly claimed to have “brought” the hunters’ movements to Burkina Faso (Hagberg 1998, 2004a, 2004b).…”

Section: Self-defense Movements and The Burkinabe Statementioning

confidence: 99%

“…One important strategy for containment has been the politics of scale as analyzed by Thomas Bassett (2004) in a paper on dozo movements in Côte d’Ivoire. Bassett shows how, in the 1990s, dozos were variously contained in regions and provinces, as well as in the economic capital of Abidjan, following different political conjunctures in the then-prevailing ivoirité politics (Bassett 2004; see also Hagberg & Ouattara 2010). In Burkina Faso, the hunters’ association Benkadi—a movement led by master-hunter Tiefing Coulibaly—spread rapidly in the mid-1990s.…”

Section: Self-defense Movements and The Burkinabe Statementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Most fieldwork has taken place in western Burkina Faso, notably in the Bobo-Dioulasso and Banfora regions. Between 1996 and 2006, part of my field research concerned dozo movements, including dozos’ participation in the Ivorian civil war (Hagberg & Ouattara 2010).…”

Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In the perceived absence of the state—or at least due to the failure of the state to provide security and safety to its citizens—local defense groups have emerged. Research on self-defense groups and vigilante movements in West Africa (e.g., Förster 2013; Hagberg 2004a, 2006; Hagberg & Ouattara 2010; Hellweg 2004, 2011; Kirsch & Grätz 2010; Leach 2004; Muana 1997; Pratten 2006, 2008; Richards 1996) has shown that such movements tend to draw their legitimacy from local tradition and culture, in skillful combination with regional and national politics and the postcolonial state. This comparative study of self-defense movements in Burkina Faso highlights an important dimension of political rivalry and antagonism between the movements under study: the dozos and the koglweogos.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Performing Tradition while Doing Politics: A comparative study of the dozos and koglweogos self-defense movements in Burkina Faso

Hagberg¹

2019

Afr. Stud. Rev.

Self Cite

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Abstract:This article is about self-defense movements in Burkina Faso, with an emphasis on the interplay of political pragmatics and cultural representation in public debate. It examines how two different self-defense movements—the dozos and the koglweogos—articulate tradition and politics with respect to locally organized self-defense in present-day Burkina Faso. In addition to a description of these movements, this comparative study of self-defense movements adds the important dimension of political rivalry and antagonism between the movements under study. First, it demonstrates how the state has tried to contain self-defense movements. Second, the emergence of koglweogos is analyzed with respect to public debate, as well as the state’s attempts to contain the movement bureaucratically. Third, it describes how dozos and koglweogos seek to assert public authority in “the new Burkina Faso” that has taken shape since the fall of Blaise Compaoré in October, 2014. More specifically, this article is devoted to the conflictual relationship between the dozos and the koglweogos that was publicly enacted in late 2016 and early 2017. Self-defense movements must not only be locally and traditionally legitimate, but they also need to be responsible actors in the national political space. Hence, “performing tradition, while doing politics” simultaneously represents the political containment and the cultural legitimacy of the self-defense movements.

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Soldiers in Civilian Uniforms: The Role of the Military in the Pursuit of Third-Termism

Makunya

Appiagyei-Atua

2022

The Palgrave Handbook of Democracy, Governance and Justice in Africa

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“Thousands of New Sankaras”: Resistance and Struggle in Burkina Faso

Cited by 11 publications

References 10 publications

Francophone Muslim intellectuals, Islamic associational life and religious authority in Burkina Faso

Francophone Muslim intellectuals, Islamic associational life and religious authority in Burkina Faso

Performing Tradition while Doing Politics: A comparative study of the dozos and koglweogos self-defense movements in Burkina Faso

Soldiers in Civilian Uniforms: The Role of the Military in the Pursuit of Third-Termism

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