“They Treat us Like Pests:” Undocumented Immigrant Experiences Obtaining Health Care in the Wake of a “Crackdown” Ordinance

Cleaveland, Carol; Ihara, Emily S.

doi:10.1080/10911359.2012.704781

Cited by 25 publications

(27 citation statements)

References 34 publications

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“…3 Only 30% of unauthorized adults are English proficient, and the vast majority (71%) lack health insurance (Capps et al, 2013). Unauthorized immigrant adults (compared to authorized) are more likely to experience economic hardship (Kalil & Chen, 2008), occupational stress (Yoshikawa, 2011), social isolation (Yoshikawa, 2011), decreased ability to access social service programs (Capps & Fortuny, 2006;Cleaveland & Ihara, 2012), psychological distress (Furman, Ackerman, Iwamoto, Negi, & Mondragon, 2013;Human Impact Partners, 2013;Sullivan & Rehm, 2005), and acculturative stress (Arbona et al, 2011). Migrant adults who fear deportation (regardless of legal status) are more likely to experience employment challenges, physical health problems, psychological distress, acculturative stress, and decreased access to services (Arbona et al, 2011;Cavazos-Rehg, Zayas, & Sptiznagel, 2007;Hacker et al, 2011).…”

Section: Risk and Stress Perspectivementioning

confidence: 99%

The psychosocial impact of detention and deportation on U.S. Migrant children and families.

Brabeck

Lykes

Hunter

2014

American Journal of Orthopsychiatry

113

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Approximately 4.5 million U.S. citizen children live in mixed-status families, in which at least 1 family member is an unauthorized migrant and therefore vulnerable to detention and deportation from the United States (Passel & Cohn, 2011). This article critically examines the current state of the literature on the psychosocial consequences of detention and deportation for unauthorized migrants, mixed-status families, and their U.S.-born children. In particular, drawing on social and psychological theory and research, we (a) review the impact of parents' unauthorized status on children; (b) summarize the literature on the impact of detention processes on psychosocial well-being; (c) describe the dilemma faced by a mixed-status family when a parent faces deportation; (d) examine the current social scientific literature on how parental deportation impacts children and their families; and (e) summarize several policy recommendations for protecting children and families.

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Section: Risk and Stress Perspectivementioning

confidence: 99%

The psychosocial impact of detention and deportation on U.S. Migrant children and families.

Brabeck

Lykes

Hunter

2014

American Journal of Orthopsychiatry

113

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“…Immigrants, especially those who are undocumented, face a number of unique barriers 14 – 21 that contribute to poor access and utilization of health services. 1 , 6 – 10 , 15 , 16 , 22 , 23 The few population-based studies that have examined health care access and utilization by citizenship and documentation status have shown that undocumented immigrants had the worst patterns of access to care before 2010 when the ACA was passed. 1 , 6 – 9 , 15 While the ACA was not implemented nationally until 2014, California began implementing several provisions as early as 2010.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Health Care Access and Physical and Behavioral Health Among Undocumented Latinos in California

et al. 2018

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Background:This paper provides statewide estimates on health care access and utilization patterns and physical and behavioral health by citizenship and documentation status among Latinos in California.Methods:This study used data from the 2011–2015 California Health Interview Survey to examine health care access and utilization and physical and behavioral health among a representative sample of all nonelderly Latino and US-born non-Latino white adults (N=51,386). Multivariable regressions estimated the associations between the dependent measures and citizenship/documentation status among Latinos (US-born, naturalized citizen, green card holder, and undocumented).Results:Adjusted results from multivariable analyses observed worse access and utilization patterns among immigrant Latinos compared with US-born Latinos, with undocumented immigrants using significantly less health care. Undocumented Latinos had lower odds of self-reporting excellent/very good health status compared with US-born Latinos, despite them having lower odds of having several physical and behavioral health outcomes (overweight/obesity, physician-diagnosed hypertension, asthma, self-reported psychological distress, and need for behavioral health services). Among those reporting a need for behavioral health services, access was also worse for undocumented Latinos when compared with US-born Latinos.Conclusions:Patterns of poor health care access and utilization and better physical and behavioral health are observed across the continuum of documentation status, with undocumented immigrants having the worst access and utilization patterns and less disease. Despite fewer reported diagnoses and better mental health, undocumented Latinos reported poorer health status than their US-born counterparts.

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“…Most prior studies reporting disparities in insurance coverage between racial, ethnic, and language groups are based on self-reported measures, which have significant limitations, especially in vulnerable populations; many vulnerable populations may not readily respond to anonymous telephone surveyors asking about personal information [21, 22]. Further, many surveys capture only data at a single time point and may not accurately describe a longitudinal phenomenon such as insurance coverage over time, hampering nuanced and robust understanding of potential disparities.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

In Low-Income Latino Patients, Post-Affordable Care Act Insurance Disparities May Be Reduced Even More than Broader National Estimates: Evidence from Oregon

Heintzman

Bailey

DeVoe

et al. 2016

J. Racial and Ethnic Health Disparities

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Background Early survey evidence suggests a reduction of disparities in insurance coverage between Latinos and non-Hispanic Whites post-Affordable Care Act (ACA). These findings may not describe the insurance status of vulnerable, low-income Latino populations served in community health centers (CHCs) over the course of this policy change. Cross-sectional surveys also may be of limited use in describing longitudinal phenomena such as changes in health insurance status. Methods Using electronic health record (EHR) data, we compared the insurance status of N = 42,392 low-income patients served in 23 CHCs in Oregon, by race/ethnicity and language, over a period of 6 years straddling the implementation of ACA-related Medicaid expansion on January 1, 2014. Findings Prior to 2014, Spanish-preferring Latinos were more likely to be uninsured than English-preferring Latinos and non-Hispanic Whites. Among uninsured patients who returned for at least one visit in 2014, Spanish-preferring Latinos had the largest increase in insurance coverage rates, and all three racial/ethnic/language groups had similar rates of insurance coverage. There were no racial/ethnic/language differences between those who did and did not have visit in 2014. Conclusion Among previously uninsured low-income patients returning to Oregon CHCs, insurance disparities were eliminated after Medicaid expansion, especially in Spanish-speaking Latinos. Further study is needed to understand the elimination of insurance disparities in this cohort.

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“They Treat us Like Pests:” Undocumented Immigrant Experiences Obtaining Health Care in the Wake of a “Crackdown” Ordinance

Cited by 25 publications

References 34 publications

The psychosocial impact of detention and deportation on U.S. Migrant children and families.

The psychosocial impact of detention and deportation on U.S. Migrant children and families.

Health Care Access and Physical and Behavioral Health Among Undocumented Latinos in California

In Low-Income Latino Patients, Post-Affordable Care Act Insurance Disparities May Be Reduced Even More than Broader National Estimates: Evidence from Oregon

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