“…Lately, the study of the PRR's mainstreaming has garnered significant academic attention (see, among others, Akkerman et al 2016;Herman and Muldoon 2018;Moffitt 2022). Despite the prolific nature of the debate, critiques have emerged about the vague employment of the concept of mainstreaming (Brown et al 2023;Moffitt 2022), with a lack of specificity in empirically distinguishing its theoretical dimensions, which are, according to the literature, the de-radicalization of issue positions, expansion of programmes, softening of anti-establishment stances and an intensified focus on the party's competence (Paxton and Peace 2021).…”
Section: Access To Power and Mainstreaming Between National And Localmentioning
The government actions of populist radical right (PRR) parties have predominantly been scrutinized at the national level, leaving a critical aspect – their territorial foothold – largely unexplored. Through a comparative ethnographic study of two medium-sized French towns governed by the Rassemblement National since 2014, this article delves into how seizing municipal power has influenced the party's efforts towards mainstreaming. We examine the party's strategy, aimed at institutionalization, which relies on a blend of rhetoric emphasizing proximity, pragmatism, and non-partisan administration while preserving fundamental ideological elements of the radical right. This amalgamation of mainstreaming and radicalism, adaptive to different contexts and audiences, is termed ‘adaptable ideology’. Our study makes significant contributions to two pivotal aspects of the literature: understanding the mainstreaming trajectory of PRR parties and exploring the recent, localist turn in the study of this political realm.
“…Lately, the study of the PRR's mainstreaming has garnered significant academic attention (see, among others, Akkerman et al 2016;Herman and Muldoon 2018;Moffitt 2022). Despite the prolific nature of the debate, critiques have emerged about the vague employment of the concept of mainstreaming (Brown et al 2023;Moffitt 2022), with a lack of specificity in empirically distinguishing its theoretical dimensions, which are, according to the literature, the de-radicalization of issue positions, expansion of programmes, softening of anti-establishment stances and an intensified focus on the party's competence (Paxton and Peace 2021).…”
Section: Access To Power and Mainstreaming Between National And Localmentioning
The government actions of populist radical right (PRR) parties have predominantly been scrutinized at the national level, leaving a critical aspect – their territorial foothold – largely unexplored. Through a comparative ethnographic study of two medium-sized French towns governed by the Rassemblement National since 2014, this article delves into how seizing municipal power has influenced the party's efforts towards mainstreaming. We examine the party's strategy, aimed at institutionalization, which relies on a blend of rhetoric emphasizing proximity, pragmatism, and non-partisan administration while preserving fundamental ideological elements of the radical right. This amalgamation of mainstreaming and radicalism, adaptive to different contexts and audiences, is termed ‘adaptable ideology’. Our study makes significant contributions to two pivotal aspects of the literature: understanding the mainstreaming trajectory of PRR parties and exploring the recent, localist turn in the study of this political realm.
“…In 2017, Macron explicitly and repeatedly described Le Pen as his key opponent, a polar counterpart in a newly configured political space. Macron was the second most likely candidate after Benoit Hamon to talk about Le Pen in the 2017 campaign (Herman & Muldoon, 2019, p. 254). Macron had important strategic incentives to do so: Having an opponent associated to extremism virtually guaranteed his victory in the second round of the 2017 election and has done so again in 2022—albeit with a shrinking margin.…”
Section: How To Articulate a New Political Divisionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…On the one hand, the candidate pursued a classical strategy of extremist ostracisation in the name of democracy (e.g. Macron in Brézet et al, 2017; Herman & Muldoon, 2019, p. 261). At the same time, Macron also debated with Le Pen and described her as a legitimate opponent.…”
Section: How To Articulate a New Political Divisionmentioning
This paper investigates how political challengers articulate new political divides in European political party systems and with what implications for representative democracy. Focusing on the case of France and the discourse and practices of Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen, the paper identifies three strategies these actors have used to articulate a new political division beyond Left and Right: the discursive rejection of traditional Left/Right politics, the combination of elements from across the Left/Right divide and the identification of each other as opposite sides on a new cleavage. Our analysis also suggests that rather than addressing the democratic pathologies associated with the traditional Left/Right party system, this new divide has largely contributed to deepen them. Specifically, the new dichotomy carries risks in terms of representative deficits, electoral demobilisation and the further legitimation of illiberal politics.
“…Anything that deviates from this homogeneity is considered a threat (xenophobia). Consequently, welfare policies should put the native, homogenous 'people' first (welfare chauvinism), and the legal system should work to protect the nation and its 'people' against perceived internal and external threats and enemies (authoritarianism) (Mudde, 2000; see also Hainsworth, 2000;Herman and Muldoon, 2019;Rydgren, 2018).…”
This paper analyses how immigrants are understood by Swedish alternative media and the role that Islamophobia plays, if at all, in these representations. What is remarkable is that although all articles were sampled explicitly to discuss Ukraine, the analysis showed that Muslim immigrants figured with unexpected frequency throughout. The value of these two immigrant groups were antagonistically contrasted through arguments of alleged differences in culture and geographical origin, perceived legitimacy as asylum seekers, and in terms gratitude and supposed level of threat to Swedish society. With this, the unity that is formed around Islamophobia trumps any nationalist views of the Swedish nation state as particularly superior or white and the social and economic consequences which are usually believed to be at risk due to immigration. By extension, the war in Ukraine is articulated as a matter of whiteness and works to exploit war for strengthening the transnational far right.
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