The Words for Disgust in English, Korean, and Malayalam Question Its Homogeneity

Han, Donghee; Kollareth, Dolichan; Russell, James A.

doi:10.1177/0261927x15619199

Cited by 20 publications

(18 citation statements)

References 29 publications

(37 reference statements)

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“…Similarly, there was also a cultural difference in the relation between contempt or anger and immorality: Both for Americans and Japanese, anger word, contempt word, and anger face were significantly correlated with immorality rating, whereas for Indians, only anger word was significantly correlated with immorality. Such findings signal cultural differences in the use of emotion concepts and demands more detailed attention (see Han et al, ; Kayyal & Russell, ; Kollareth & Russell, ).…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 98%

“…The words used for anger, contempt, sadness, fear and happiness in Malayalam were deshyam, pucham, sankadam, bhayam and santhosham , respectively. These Malayalam words were found to be translation equivalents of their respective English words (Han, Kollareth, & Russell, ; Kollareth & Russell, ). Those words in Japanese used in the present study were ikari, keibetsu, kanashimi, osore and yorokobi respectively, which were also reported to be equivalent to English words (Russell, Russell, Suzuki, & Ishida, ).…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…COMMUNITY MORAL VIOLATIONS ELICIT ANGER NOT CONTEMPT 619 attention (see Han et al, 2016;Kayyal & Russell, 2013;Kollareth & Russell, 2017a).…”

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confidence: 99%

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Do community and autonomy moral violations elicit different emotions?

et al. 2018

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According to one important set of theories, different domains of immorality are linked to different discrete emotions-panculturally. Violations against the community elicit contempt, whereas violations against an individual elicit anger. To test this theory, American, Indian and Japanese participants (N = 480) indicated contempt and anger reactions (with verbal rating and face selection) to both the types of immorality. To remedy method problems in previous research, community and autonomy violations were created for the same story-frame, by varying the target to be either the community or an individual. Community and autonomy violations did not differ significantly in the emotion elicited: overall, both types of violations elicited more anger than contempt (and more negative emotion of any kind than positive emotion). By verbal rating, Americans and Indians reported more anger than contempt for both types of violation, whereas Japanese reported more contempt than anger for both types. By face selection, the three cultural groups selected anger more than contempt for both types of violation. The results speak against defining distinct domains of morality by their association with distinct emotions.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 98%

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Do community and autonomy moral violations elicit different emotions?

et al. 2018

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“…The second study avoided this issue by using unlabeled arrays of facial expressions, but its generalizability is limited by the fact that (like the first study) it was conducted in the United States. Language groups differ in the degree to which they use the same word (e.g., "disgust") to describe reactions to both pathogen cues and acts that are morally condemned (Han, Kollareth, & Russell, 2016), and relations between facial expressions of disgust and responses to moral violations might similarly be nation-specific.…”

Section: Disgust Anger and Aggression: Further Tests Of The Equivalmentioning

confidence: 99%

Tybur et al. Disgust Anger Aggression

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et al. 2019

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People often report disgust toward moral violations. Some perspectives posit that this disgust is indistinct from anger. Here, we test an alternative perspective: that disgust corresponds with condemnation strategies that are less costly – but also less effective at deterrence – than those corresponding with anger. We tested three hypotheses concerning emotional responses to moral violations: (1) disgust is associated with lower-cost, indirectly aggressive motives (e.g., gossip and social exclusion), whereas anger is associated with higher-cost, directly aggressive motives (e.g., physical violence); (2) disgust is higher toward violations affecting others than it is toward violations affecting the self, and anger is higher toward violations affecting the self than it is toward violations affecting others; and (3) abilities to inflict costs on or withhold benefits from others (measured via physical strength and physical attractiveness, respectively) relate to anger, but not to disgust. These hypotheses were tested in a within-subjects study in which 233 participants came to the lab twice and reported their emotional responses and aggressive sentiments toward self-targeting and other-targeting moral violations. Participants’ upper body strength and physical attractiveness were also measured with a dynamometer and photograph ratings, respectively. The first two hypotheses were supported – disgust (but not anger) was related to indirect aggression whereas anger (but not disgust) was related to direct aggression, and disgust was higher toward other-targeting violations whereas anger was higher toward self-targeting violations. However, physical strength and physical attractiveness were unrelated to anger or disgust or to endorsements of direct or indirect aggression.

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“…The lack of homogeneity also has clear implications when it comes to translating emotion concepts (overview by Russell, 1991 ; see also Mesquita and Frijda, 2011 ). A recent study by Han et al (2015) showed that English speakers use the word ‘disgust’ to refer to distaste, pathogen-containing substances, blood and injury, inappropriate sexual events, and moral violations. In contrast, Korean speakers use the translation of ‘disgust’ only to refer to some of them (i.e., distaste, pathogen-containing substances, as well as blood and injury), while the translation equivalent in Malayalam does not refer to any of them.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Grima: A Distinct Emotion Concept?

et al. 2017

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People experience an unpleasant sensation when hearing a scratch on a board or plate. The present research focuses on this aversive experience known in Spanish as ‘grima’ with no equivalent term in English and German. We hypothesized that this aversive experience constitutes a distinctive, separate emotional concept. In Study 1, we found that the affective meaning of ‘grima’ was closer to disgust than to other emotion concepts. Thus, in Study 2 we explored the features of grima and compared them with disgust. As grima was reported to be predominantly elicited by certain auditory stimuli and associated with a distinctive physiological pattern, Study 3 used direct measures of physiological arousal to test the assumption of a distinctive pattern of physiological responses elicited by auditory stimuli of grima and disgust, and found different effects on heart rate but not on skin conductance. In Study 4, we hypothesized that only participants with an implementation intention geared toward down-regulating grima would be able to successfully weaken the grima- but not disgust- experience. Importantly, this effect was specific as it held true for the grima-eliciting sounds only, but did not affect disgust-related sounds. Finally, Study 5 found that English and German speakers lack a single accessible linguistic label for the pattern of aversive reactions termed by Spanish speaking individuals as ‘grima’, whereas the elicitors of other emotions were accessible and accurately identified by German, English, as well as Spanish speakers.

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The Words for Disgust in English, Korean, and Malayalam Question Its Homogeneity

Cited by 20 publications

References 29 publications

Do community and autonomy moral violations elicit different emotions?

Do community and autonomy moral violations elicit different emotions?

Tybur et al. Disgust Anger Aggression

Grima: A Distinct Emotion Concept?

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