The Whig Revival, 1808–1830

Hay, William Anthony

doi:10.1057/9780230510623

Cited by 22 publications

(3 citation statements)

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“…8 The Whigs never sought the support of the agricultural workers for electoral purposes or extra-parliamentary agitation, before and after the Great Reform Act. For instance when Henry Brougham, one of the Whig leaders, ran for election in Knaresborough and then in Yorkshire in 1830, his campaign sought the support of tradesmen (Hay (2005)). 9 Parliamentary reform is one example of the Whigs' paternalistic and aristocratic mindset.…”

Section: Constituencies Parties and Voters Under The Unreformed Parmentioning

confidence: 99%

Democratization Under the Threat of Revolution: Evidence From the Great Reform Act of 1832

Aidt¹,

Franck²

2015

Econometrica

188

124

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This supplementary material appendix contains extra material related to our study of the Great Reform Act. Appendix S1 lists definitions and sources of all the variables used in the analysis.Appendix S2 explains how the variable Connection to London is constructed. Appendix S3 contains a discussion of the placebo tests. Appendix S4 contains a discussion of alternative explanations for the Whig victory in 1831. All the supplementary tables (S1 to S28) and the maps (S1 and S2) are collected at the end of the appendix. Tables S26 to S28 report summary statistics for the variables used in supplementary tests. Appendix S1. Definitions and sourcesOur sample consists of the 244 English constituencies that comprised the 489 parliamentary seats in the House of Commons before the Great Reform Act. This appendix

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Section: Constituencies Parties and Voters Under The Unreformed Parmentioning

confidence: 99%

Democratization Under the Threat of Revolution: Evidence From the Great Reform Act of 1832

Aidt¹,

Franck²

2015

Econometrica

188

124

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“…The Spa Fields riot in November and December 1816 and the attack on the Prince Regent on 28 January 1817 interrupted the Whig leaders' unity, as 'Grenville's concerns about threats to public order led him to favour a repressive approach at odds with the traditionally libertarian Foxite view'. 128 The left-wing leaders Brougham and Grey were alarmed by the party split, publicly objecting to the radical programme proposed by John Cartwright, Henry Hunt and other radical leaders. In this polarised atmosphere, Bentham joined with the radicals in attacking the Whigs.…”

Section: Codification In the Edinburgh Reviewmentioning

confidence: 99%

Jeremy Bentham’s Departure from Whig Networks: A Case Study of his Relationship with Samuel Romilly, c. 1790–1818

2023

Journal of Bentham Studies

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This article examines the utilitarian reformer Jeremy Bentham’s relationship with the Whig reformer Samuel Romilly between 1788 and 1818. For many years Bentham relied on Romilly’s assistance in promoting schemes of law reform, and viewed him as a fellow utilitarian. However, a series of events during the French Revolution and wars widened their political difference. After 1815 Bentham was more involved in radical politics and expected Romilly’s collaboration. Romilly’s indifference further stimulated Bentham’s breach with the Whigs. A study of their relationship casts new light on Bentham’s transition to democracy and the state of the Whig reformism during the period.

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“…15 Nevertheless, the tension caused by this episode soon abated. 18 Certainly, the new administration's promise to bring in a measure of reform galvanized the county. Meetings were held across the winter of 1830-31 to show the public's enthusiasm for reform, whilst political unions were formed in the major West Riding towns to organize a campaign of support.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Politics of Disinterest: The Whigs and the Liberal Party in the West Riding of Yorkshire, 1830–1850

Gent¹

2012

Northern History

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THE WHIGS NOW STAND at the heart of historical accounts of British politics in the 1830s and 1840s. In the last twenty-five years their policies and thought have been explored through a number of studies, which have highlighted the achievements of the administrations led by Grey, Melbourne and Russell, whilst also drawing attention to the Whigs' pivotal contribution to nineteenth-century liberalism. 1 Yet our knowledge of how the Whigs' support was forged on the ground remains surprisingly limited. Whilst Benjamin Weinstein has recently published an important study examining their political appeal in London, little attention has been paid to the way they operated and were perceived outside of the metropolis. 2 This article begins to fill that gap. It explores the relationship between Whigs and liberals in Yorkshire between 1830 and 1850, concentrating on the post-1832 county constituency of the West Riding.The West Riding was the largest parliamentary constituency in the nation, ranging from the moors around Haworth to the great towns of Leeds, Sheffield and Bradford. By 1835, it contained over 29,000 voters, many of whom were freeholders. 3 This size and diversity meant that contemporaries were apt to suggest that the Riding's decisions indicated the nation's mood. Richard Cobden, for one, described it as one of the 'testing points of public opinion'. 4 It is therefore surprising that the most valuable studies of reforming politics in the region in this period, by F.M.L. Thompson and Derek Fraser, are over thirty years old. Although exploring the impact of national events, both accounts focus on the local relationship between the Riding's liberals and

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The Whig Revival, 1808–1830

Cited by 22 publications

References 0 publications

Democratization Under the Threat of Revolution: Evidence From the Great Reform Act of 1832

Democratization Under the Threat of Revolution: Evidence From the Great Reform Act of 1832

Jeremy Bentham’s Departure from Whig Networks: A Case Study of his Relationship with Samuel Romilly, c. 1790–1818

The Politics of Disinterest: The Whigs and the Liberal Party in the West Riding of Yorkshire, 1830–1850

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