The Wars of Who Belongs Where: The Unstable Politics of Autochthony on Kenya's Mt Elgon

Lynch, Gabrielle

doi:10.1080/17449057.2011.596671

Cited by 34 publications

(18 citation statements)

References 38 publications

(24 reference statements)

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“…The debate over "innovation, " on the Kenya coast as elsewhere in Africa, is often cast as a contest between a moderate form of established practiceusually described as Sufi-socially tolerant, and politically uninvolved as well as syncretic in ritual, and an intrusive reformism which is strict in its view of religious practice, intolerant of diversity and is inherently political. The reformist work of Salafists-as most now prefer to be called, shunning the Wahhabist label which some still apply to them-has come to be seen as linked with radical projects of political Islam and with violence and acts of terrorism (Haynes 2005;Rosenau 2005;Loimeier 2011). The narrative of Salafists using Saudi money or training to displace a tolerant local Islam is not wholly misleading (Ndzovu 2018).…”

Section: The Muslim Coast?mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Aravai Peoples, the Site of Rabai and its Sacred Forests on the Kenyan Coast

Ballarin¹

2021

Kenya in Motion 2000-2020

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Tous les textes de ce livre sont publiés avec la Licence Creative Commons CC-BY-SA 3.0 : « Attribution -Partage dans les mêmes conditions non transposé». See: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/deed.en "You are free to: • Share -copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format • Adapt -remix, transform, and build upon the material for any purpose, even commercially. Under the following terms: • Attribution -You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. Marie-Aude FouéréxiiIn view of such changes-be they expected or planned, but also hindered or even disordered-, it was imperative for a research centre based in Nairobi to document and analyse the last twenty years of Kenyan political, economic and social life, from 2000 to 2020, in a book accessible to the greatest number of people. Kenya in motion, which is published both online and in print and available in both French and English-thus making it possible to discuss with all our English-speaking colleagues and to enter in a dialogue with the recent and ambitious Oxford Handbook of Kenyan Politics edited by Nic Cheeseman, Karuti Kanyinga and Gabrielle Lynch (2020)-brings together the contributions of specialists from Kenya. Some contributions cover a broad spectrum (political economy, social history, development, decentralisation) while others address more specific themes (arts, school, religion, land, water, security, trade, etc.). Six short texts called "Focus" are added to the fourteen chapters that make up this volume. They enrich certain chapters with their close focus on banking, higher education, slavery, sacred forests, religious adherence and the globalised art scene. Together, these texts provide both a synthetic grasp and particular visions of Kenya in the first quarter of the twenty-first century.We wish to thank several institutions and individuals. First of all, our deepest gratitude goes to the colleagues who contributed to the bookdoctoral students, newly graduated doctors, and experienced researchersfor their sustained commitment to IFRA projects and for their unfailing patience. Secondly, this project would not have been possible without IFRA's financial and human resources support, nor without the OpenEdition Books platform, which hosts the publisher's brand "Africae" and its "Studies" collection in which this book is being published. Within IFRA, our special thanks go to Chloé Josse-Durand and Marion Asego, respectively for the proofreading of some texts and for the administrative and financial support. We are also very grateful to our colleague Claire Médard from IRD (French National Research Institute for Sustainable Development) for her involvement and rigorous peer reviewing. Our warmest thanks also go to Antoine Kauffer for his efficient editorial work, and to Bastien Miraucourt, in charge of editing at the CNRS based at the Les Afriques dans le monde (LA...

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Section: The Muslim Coast?mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Aravai Peoples, the Site of Rabai and its Sacred Forests on the Kenyan Coast

Ballarin¹

2021

Kenya in Motion 2000-2020

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“…Sur la côte kényane comme ailleurs en Afrique, ce débat sur « les innovations » est souvent présenté comme un combat entre la forme modérée d'une pratique établie communément appelée « soufie », décrite comme tolérante, non engagée politiquement et syncrétique dans ses rituels, et un réformisme intrusif et strict dans ses conceptions de la pratique religieuse, intolérant face à la diversité et intrinsèquement politique. Le travail réformiste des salafistes -comme la plupart préfèrent être appelés, évitant l'appellation de wahhabistes que certains utilisent encore pour les qualifierest maintenant perçu comme lié aux projets radicaux de l'islam politique ainsi qu'à la violence et aux actes terroristes (Haynes 2005 ;Rosenau 2005 ;Loimeier 2011). Le discours selon lequel les salafistes utilisent l'argent ou les formations fournis par les Saoudiens pour supplanter un islam local tolérant n'est pas totalement erroné (Ndzovu 2018).…”

Section: La Côte Musulmane ?unclassified

Commerce bon marché de la ville à la campagne au Kenya

Racaud¹

2020

Le Kenya en Marche, 2000-2020

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Tous les textes de ce livre sont publiés avec la Licence Creative Commons CC-BY-SA 3.0 : « Attribution -Partage dans les mêmes conditions non transposé». Voir : https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/deed.fr « Vous êtes autorisé•e à : • Partager -copier, distribuer et communiquer le matériel par tous moyens et sous tous formats • Adapter -remixer, transformer et créer à partir du matériel pour toute utilisation, y compris commerciale. Selon les conditions suivantes : • Attribution -Vous devez créditer l'OEuvre, intégrer un lien vers la licence et indiquer si des modifications ont été effectuées à l'OEuvre. Vous devez indiquer ces informations par tous les moyens raisonnables, sans toutefois suggérer que l'Offrant vous soutient ou soutient la façon dont vous avez utilisé son OEuvre. • Partage dans les Mêmes Conditions -Dans le cas où vous effectuez un remix, que vous transformez, ou créez à partir du matériel composant l'OEuvre originale, vous devez diffuser l'OEuvre modifiée dans les même conditions, c'est à dire avec la même licence avec laquelle l'OEuvre originale a été diffusée.vii Sigles utilisés AFD Agence française pour le développement AIC African Inland Church BAD Banque africaine de développement BBI Building Bridges Initiative BIFA Buruburu Institute of Fine Arts BIT Bureau international du travail BWRC Basin Water Resources Committee CAAC Catchment Area Advisory Committee CBD Central Business District CDF Constituency Development Fund CDTF Community Development Trust Fund CEC County Executive Committee Members CFA Communauté financière en Afrique CHE Commission for Higher Education (Kenya)

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“…Though not reducible to ethnic manipulation alone, the 1990s ethnic conflicts in the rift valley region of Kenya were the result of the political elites' desire to uproot members of non-Keljin ethnic groups who by default are supporters of the opposition (Osamba 2001, Kanyinga 2009. Likewise, the confluence of politicians' desire to uproot supporters of the opposition, and the indigenous elites demand for more opportunities and resources resulted in conflict between the Luyha and Sabaot in the Mt Elgon area (Lynch 2011).…”

Section: Conflicts Accentuated By State Elitesmentioning

confidence: 99%

State-Building and Non-State Conflicts in Africa

Kifle¹

2020

SRSA

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Contemporary state building intervention in weak states is based on the assumption that once a capable state is instituted, it will be able to ensure peace. Extant literature on state capacity and civil war onset tends to confirm this assumption. However, the relation between state capacity and the onset of non-state conflict is not adequately examined in this literature. This article, which is based on findings from research undertaken by the author at the African Leadership Centre, aims to extend the existing knowledge on state capacity and civil conflict by examining the relation between state capacity and non-state conflict in subSaharan Africa using mixed methodological approaches. A statistical analysis of the correlation between three aspects of state capacity and non-state conflict is supplemented with a detailed qualitative analysis of selected states that experience non-state conflicts and those that did not. State capacity is dissected into state effectiveness, legitimacy and monopoly of the means of coercion. The result reveals that the legitimacy and effectiveness of the state are negatively correlated with nonstate conflicts in a statistically significant way. However, the qualitative analysis indicates that the role of state capacity in reducing non-state conflicts should not be over-stated. The occurrence or absence of nonstate conflicts is influenced by the interplay of multi-faceted factors related to the level of resource scarcity, the strength of customary dispute resolution mechanisms, patterns of intercommunity interaction, nature of state policies and political actors' stake in a conflict.

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The Wars of Who Belongs Where: The Unstable Politics of Autochthony on Kenya's Mt Elgon

Cited by 34 publications

References 38 publications

The Aravai Peoples, the Site of Rabai and its Sacred Forests on the Kenyan Coast

The Aravai Peoples, the Site of Rabai and its Sacred Forests on the Kenyan Coast

Commerce bon marché de la ville à la campagne au Kenya

State-Building and Non-State Conflicts in Africa

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