The voicing contrast in Spanish

Williams, Lee

doi:10.1016/s0095-4470(19)31127-1

Cited by 91 publications

(52 citation statements)

References 22 publications

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“…A laryngeal contrast in obstruents, such as the voicing contrast, is one of the most common phonological distinctions found in the world's languages (Ladefoged & Maddieson, 1996;Maddieson, 1996). A substantial amount of research has been de dicated to establishing the phonetic correlates of phonological voicing contrasts (Ab delliBeruh, 2004;Caramazza & YeniKomshian, 1974;Cho & Ladefoged, 1999;Es posito, 2002;Keating, 1979Keating, , 1984Lisker, 1986;Lousada et al, 2010;Luce & Charles Luce, 1985;Piroth & Janker, 2004;Ringen & Kulikov, 2012; Van Alphen & Smits, Dmitrieva/Dutta DOI: 10.1159/000501673 2004; Williams, 1977). As a result, much is known about the phonetic realization of voicing in a variety of languages, especially those characterized by a twoway laryn geal distinction ("voiced" vs. "voiceless").…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Acoustic Correlates of the Four-Way Laryngeal Contrast in Marathi

Dmitrieva

Dutta

2019

Phonetica

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The study examines acoustic correlates of the four-way laryngeal contrast in Marathi, focusing on temporal parameters, voice quality, and onset f0. Acoustic correlates of the laryngeal contrast were investigated in the speech of 33 native speakers of Marathi, recorded in Mumbai, India, producing a word list containing six sets of words minimally contrastive in terms of laryngeal specification of word-initial velar stops. Measurements were made for the duration of prevoicing, release, and voicing during release. Fundamental frequency was measured at the onset of voicing following the stop and at 10 additional time points. As measures of voice quality, amplitude differences between the first and second harmonic (H1-H2) and between the first harmonic and the third formant (H1-A3) were calculated. The results demonstrated that laryngeal categories in Marathi are differentiated based on temporal measures, voice quality, and onset f0, although differences in each dimension were unequal in magnitude across different pairs of stop categories. We conclude that a single acoustic correlate, such as voice onset time, is insufficient to differentiate among all the laryngeal categories in languages such as Marathi, characterized by complex four-way laryngeal contrasts. Instead, a joint contribution of several acoustic correlates creates a robust multidimensional contrast.with a fourway laryngeal contrast for stop consonants (Simple UPSID interface). The World Phonotactics Database indicates a similar proportion: 74 languages or 1.9% of the database (Donohue et al., 2013).

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Acoustic Correlates of the Four-Way Laryngeal Contrast in Marathi

Dmitrieva

Dutta

2019

Phonetica

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“…The category boundary is reported in the range between -20 and -10 ms (e.g. Williams 1977a,b for Spanish, Hazan and Boulakia 1993for French, Van Alphen and Smits 2004. Speakers of true voice languages usually perceive a stop as voiced if it has prevoicing (Lisker 2003).…”

Section: 21voice Onset Time (Vot)mentioning

confidence: 99%

Voicing and voice assimilation in Russian stops

Kulikov¹

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The main objective of this thesis is to investigate acoustic cues for the voicing contrast in stops in Russian for effects of speaking rate and phonetic environment. Although the laryngeal contrast in Russian is assumed to be a [voice] contrast, very few experimental studies have looked at the acoustic properties of Russian voiced and voiceless stops. Most claims about acoustic properties of stops and phonological processes that affect them (voice assimilation and final devoicing) have been made based on impressionistic transcriptions. The present study provides evidence that (1) voicing in voiced stops is affected by speaking rate manipulation, (2) stops in Russian retain underlying voicing specification in presonorant position and voice assimilation occurs only in obstruent clusters, and (3) phonological processes of voice assimilation and final devoicing do not result in complete neutralization. The target of the investigation is voiced and voiceless intervocalic stops, stops in clusters, and final stops in different prosodic positions within a word and at the phrase level. The acoustic cues to voicing (duration of voicing, stop closure duration, vowel duration, f0, and F1) were measured from the production data of 14 monolingual speakers of Russian recorded in Russia. Speakers produced words and phrases with target stops in three speaking rate conditions: list reading, slow rate and fast rate. The data were analyzed in 5 blocks focusing on (1) word-internal stops, (2) voice assimilation in stops in prepositions, (3) cases of so-called "sonorant transparency", (4) voice assimilation in stops before /v/, and (5) voicing processes across a word boundary. The results of the study present a challenge to the widely-held assumption that phonological processes precede phonetic processes at the phonology-phonetics interface. It is shown that the underlying contrast leaves traces on assimilated and devoiced stops. To account for the findings, a phonology-phonetics interface that allows interaction between the modules is required. In addition, the results show that temporal cues are I would also like to express my thanks to my fellow graduate students in the

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“…It is only after exposure to the sounds of their native language that children acquire languagespecific phonological contrasts through coupling between universal boundaries. Remember that for the voicing feature, the VOT boundary is located at 0 ms in various languages such as French, Spanish and Polish (Ganong & Keating, 1981;Medina et al, 2010;Williams, 1977): this value is not included in universal boundaries (located at ± 30 ms VOT), although it does appear fairly early in the course of language development (Eilers et al, 1979;Hoonhorst et al, 2009b). This means that a new boundary, irreducible to one of the two natural phonetic boundaries and falling right in between them, has to be acquired.…”

Section: Developmental Origin Of Allophonic Perceptionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Allophonic Perception in Dyslexia: An overview

Serniclaes¹

2011

PSYWRIT

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Allophonic theory claims that people affected by dyslexia perceive speech in allophonic rather than phonemic units. After a brief review of the featural theory of speech perception, the evidence supporting the allophonic theory is summarized. The difference between allophonic perception and reduced phoneme perception acuity is emphasized, the latter being a common characteristic of various disorders of language development and thus not specific to dyslexia. Taking this fundamental difference into account, the counterevidence against allophonic theory is examined, and proposals for future testing and remediation are formulated.

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The voicing contrast in Spanish

Cited by 91 publications

References 22 publications

Acoustic Correlates of the Four-Way Laryngeal Contrast in Marathi

Acoustic Correlates of the Four-Way Laryngeal Contrast in Marathi

Voicing and voice assimilation in Russian stops

Allophonic Perception in Dyslexia: An overview

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