The Voice of Newfoundland

Between Public and Private, Britain and Canada: Newfoundland Radio 1934-1949

“…The situation can be contrasted to that which pertained in Canada at the time, where resistance to the establishment of a public broadcaster was expressed powerfully from those who cast doubts about the allocation of resources in a time of economic depression, and from those who had an aversion to examples of 'activist government'. 14 Nevertheless, it is also important to bear in mind the unstated assumption in many histories of radio broadcasting that privately-owned stations serve merely their owners' or shareholders' interests and that 'state-ownership is synonymous with public broadcasting', 15 which has often perpetuated a crude and unhelpful public/private dichotomy. Michele Hilmes has argued, for example, that during the 1920s and 1930s the dichotomy between 'British quality' and 'American chaos' served to mask the fact that the two systems sought to dominate the media ecologies in their respective countries and to contain or limit the scope of a 'decentralised, open access, minority and community-based model of truly popular broadcasting' (which did not conform to either of the public/private models).…”

“…B. Clark to Michael Barkway on 18 January 1946) comments that 'the BBC maintained that it selected its [Christmas Day] programme for aesthetic quality, rather than territorial representation'. 50 As this is problematised by Rendall's comments on the size and (constitutional) status of Newfoundland less than a year previously, it would seem that it was only at the very highest levels of the Corporation that the full rationale for the exclusion of Newfoundland was acknowledged.…”

“…Webb has noted that the ability of Newfoundland listeners who owned commercially built radio receivers to pick up eastern Canadian and American stations had shaped their expectations of radio content. 58 This served to precipitate a lively debate among broadcasters and listeners between those who wanted American popular culture, and those who wanted greater 'British' character to their broadcasting, particularly during the immediate post-war period (1945 to 1949). 59 This was probably more or less in line with other 'settler dominions', where 'an appreciation of sophisticated British cultural exports offered would-be cultural elites a means to assert their own authority', and thereby also devalue 'folk' or 'popular' forms.…”

“…58 This served to precipitate a lively debate among broadcasters and listeners between those who wanted American popular culture, and those who wanted greater 'British' character to their broadcasting, particularly during the immediate post-war period (1945 to 1949). 59 This was probably more or less in line with other 'settler dominions', where 'an appreciation of sophisticated British cultural exports offered would-be cultural elites a means to assert their own authority', and thereby also devalue 'folk' or 'popular' forms. 60 It should be noted that the Commission of Government did set out to encourage local Newfoundland production and talent, but that it certainly did not reflect the broad spectrum of Newfoundland culture.…”

“…A member of BCN's Governing Board, Furlong had prepared a confidential report on programming to the Board the previous year, which was highly critical of the pervasive nature of advertising and the 'slick' and 'insincere' announcers within the commercials, and called for regular use of the BBC's London Transcription Service. 61 However, as Webb notes, the very much larger and well-financed BBC was not really a fair basis of comparison in assessments of Newfoundland radio by BBC executives. 62 Barkway fails to recognise that, especially to an impoverished outport community who could not receive copies of newspapers published in St. John's, some of the programmes that were sponsored, or which featured advertising, performed a function which in other countries would be served by newspapers or telephones.…”