The aim of this study was to determine the extent of continuation of radical commitment amongst former student activists. Twelve years after being originally surveyed. male activists and a comparison group of non-activists were followed up by a mailed survey. Questionnaires from 73 activists and 86 non-activists were returned. Activists were shown to hold jobs with lower status and to have lower levels of educational attainment than the non-activist controls. Activists'intercst and participation in politid and d kues showed considerabk decline from the time of the first survey. though they were still marginally more active than the controls. Other measures ILosesscd the perceived interest and participation of family members and peers in political h u e s and their support for the respondents'ideas and participation and semantic differentid ratings for Furher, Mother, and YowseF Results were compared to those of previous studies and implications for several models of social movement participation discussed.The 19605 and early 1970s were turbulent yean in most western democracies as students engaged in unprecedented prate over issues such as race relations, the war in Vietnam, conscription for military service and university policies. Being on the doorstep of academic sociologists and psychologists, student activism received considerable research attention. Keniston (1973). for cxampk, abstracted 303 American empirical studies for the years 1945 to 1972. Much of this research was atheoretical, being more directed at confirming or denying the popular stereotype of activists as "radical ratbags".The actual picture which emerged from much of the ruearch was quite different. Activists, at least in the early years of the movement (Mankoff & Flacks, 1971). appeared to be a rather elite group. They bad higher levels of academic achievement than their non-activist peen and were more often studyhgsocial science or arts than science or the professions. Their parents tended to be more f l u e n t than most students', but there was little evidence of revolt or rebellion in their background. Flacks (1967) described them as being from the middle-class humanist subculture, characterised by ademocratic family atmosphere, high levels of discussion on social and political issues anda lack of conventional religious commitment As far as their personal characteristics were concerned. evidence indicated they had good personal adjustment, higher levels of moral development, sclfcstnm and internal locus of control, but lower levels of dogmatism.There were few studies of comparable student activists in Australia, so similarities and differences with findings of U.S. research cannot be fully d d b e d . Results This rcsearch was funded by ARGS grant A2801 16077. A previous report based on early survey returns was prrscnted at the 11th Annual Conference of Australian Social Psychologists, B r i s k I982 Rquats for reprints should be sent to D. A. Elkrman, khavioural Science Programme, Darling Downs Institute of A d v a n d Education, Toowoom...