The universal density of measurement

Fox, Danny; Hackl, Martin

doi:10.1007/s10988-006-9004-4

Cited by 253 publications

(205 citation statements)

References 25 publications

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“…But if this object contains parts of atoms, then # returns an appropriate fractional or decimal measure. For the purpose of this paper, we can assume that the range of # has at least the structure of the real numbers (Fox & Hackl 2007).…”

Section: ∃!X[q(x) ∧ P (X) ∧ #(X) = N]mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The literature contains different proposals for how to deal with this problem, which range from stipulating differences between modifiers in the ways that they interact with alternatives (Krifka 1998, Geurts & Nouwen 2007) to exploiting the underlying structure of quantity scales (Fox & Hackl 2007), but each account has its own empirical and theoretical shortcomings (see Meyr 2013 for discussion).…”

Section: :23mentioning

confidence: 99%

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A "de-Fregean" semantics (and neo-Gricean pragmatics) for modified and unmodified numerals

Kennedy

2015

S&P

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A challenge for the semantic and pragmatic analysis of modified numerals is how to account for ignorance implications about exact quantity. Superlative-modified numerals (at least/most six) systematically give rise to such implications while their comparative-modified counterparts (more/fewer than six) do not, but the distribution of ignorance implications with superlative modifiers is sensitive to how the numeral interacts with modals and other operators. In this paper, I demonstrate that a "de-Fregean" semantic analysis of modified and unmodified numerals as second-order properties of degrees that differ only in the kind of ordering relation they introduce supports a neo-Gricean pragmatic account of ignorance implications as Quantity implicatures, and derives the pattern of interaction with modals as a scopal phenomenon.

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Section: ∃!X[q(x) ∧ P (X) ∧ #(X) = N]mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: :23mentioning

confidence: 99%

A "de-Fregean" semantics (and neo-Gricean pragmatics) for modified and unmodified numerals

Kennedy

2015

S&P

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“…However, various problems with the Gricean account have been noted which have led some theorists to think scalar implicatures are actually marked syntactically in the grammar (Chierchia 2004, Fox andHackl 2005). Here is one typical statement from Uli Sauerland (2004): I follow Krifka (1995), Fox (2003), King & Stanley (2004) to assume that the points at which embedded implicatures are computed are marked by an implicature computation operator that is projected in the syntax.…”

Section: Scalar Implicaturementioning

confidence: 99%

Non-Monotonic NPI-Licensing, Definite Descriptions, and Grammaticalized Implicatures

Rothschild

2015

SALT

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Non-monotonic Contexts and Negative Polarity ItemsThis paper comes in two parts: the first argues for the thesis that, in English, nonmonotonic contexts generally license NPIs and that standard extensions of the notion of downward-entailment do not adequately explain this. The second part argues that this observation puts pressure on some accounts of scalar implicatures and singular definite descriptions.A downward-entailing context has the property that the replacement of the predicate in the context by a stronger predicate preserves truth. So, for instance, presuppositions aside, the context after "every" in (1) where the NPI "ever" appears is downward entailing.(1)Every person who'd ever been to the bank got infected.It is common ground that weak NPIs, which in English includes "ever," "at all" and non-free-choice "any," are allowed in downward-entailing contexts-intervention effects and locality conditions aside. 1 What is controversial is the status of various environments that, on the surface, appear to be non-monotonic rather than downward-entailing. In English, almost all of these environments license NPIs. 2 I will discuss three proposals for understanding the rather loose licensing conditions of NPIs and argue that none of them adequately capture the facts of non-monotonic licensing. I will suggest that the best account is simply to say that NPIs are licensed in non-monotonic as well as downward-entailing environments, and I will defend this generalization against apparent exceptions.First, here are an assortment of cases where apparently non-monotonic contexts allow NPIs. All I mean by "apparently non-monotonic" is that in each case, intuitively, neither a stronger nor a weaker predicate can replace the original predicate and preserve truth. I do not think all these contexts license NPIs for exactly Many thanks to

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“…Just what this structure is, and how this is linguistically reflected, is a matter for empirical study (see e.g. Kennedy & McNally 2005;Fox & Hackl 2006). …”

Section: Semantics Of Gradabilitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Experimenting with Degree

Solt

Gotzner

2012

SALT

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Semantic theories differ in the role they assume for degrees in the interpretation of gradable adjectives, and in the assumptions they make about the nature of degrees and the structure of the scales they comprise. We report on two experiments investigating speakers' use of gradable adjectives across varying contexts, with the goal of gaining insight into the nature of the degree ontology underlying their semantics. We find that the truth conditions for the positive form must be stated in terms of degrees rather than rankings of individuals, and further that the relevant scale structure is one where distances between scale points are meaningful, and not an ordinal scale derived from an ordering relation on a comparison class. We also find no evidence that scale structure depends on the presence or absence of a corresponding system of numerical measures.

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The universal density of measurement

Cited by 253 publications

References 25 publications

A "de-Fregean" semantics (and neo-Gricean pragmatics) for modified and unmodified numerals

A "de-Fregean" semantics (and neo-Gricean pragmatics) for modified and unmodified numerals

Non-Monotonic NPI-Licensing, Definite Descriptions, and Grammaticalized Implicatures

Experimenting with Degree

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