“…As noted above, our antecedent tests in Models 1, 2, and 3 are inconclusive, offering little support for common assertions that districts experiencing relative white socioeconomic decline or racial diversification are particularly favorable to white nationalist activities (Durso & Jacobs, 2013; Goetz et al, 2012; Jefferson & Pryor, 1999; McCann, 2009; McVeigh et al, 2004; Medina et al, 2018; van Dyke & Soule, 2002). Neither do we find evidence that more radically conservative Congressional representation encourages white nationalist mobilization (Feinberg et al, 2019; Fording & Schram, 2020; Piazza, 2020). This latter point is particularly important in its support for our primary findings against expected reservations that WNGs should tend to organize in more radically conservative districts, already sympathetic to their messages.…”