The Swedish Racial Welfare Regime in Transition

Mulinari, Diana; Neergaard, Anders

doi:10.1007/978-3-031-06071-7_4

Cited by 9 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 51 publications

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Section: Theoretical Scaffoldingmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Although not explicitly a key tenet of right-of-center political views, the question of funding the Swedish welfare system has increasingly become mobilized as an arena wherein racializing nativist perspectives are projected onto migrants to question their right to access welfare provision, regardless of their regularized or irregular status (Mulinari & Neergaard 2022;Nordensvärd & Ketola 2015). Some scholars have (Andersen & Bjørklund 1990;Careja & Harris 2022;Keskinen, Norocel & Jørgensen 2016), unveiling the rearticulation of the welfare system in nationalist and racist ways whenever operating with the categories of 'refugee' and 'migrant' (Dahlstedt & Neergaard 2019;Mulinari & Neergaard 2022). On this matter, while we deploy here the terminology of 'migrants,' we are acutely aware of the imbrications of processes of racialization and discussions of migration flows in postcolonial contexts (Barker 2018;Borrelli & Lindberg 2019;Suárez-Krabbe & Lindberg 2019), and consequently expose 'the concept of migration [to be] often reserved for bodies of color, rather than white bodies (who tend to be seen as tourists, expatriates, guests, […])' (Lundström 2017: 80).…”

Section: Theoretical Scaffoldingmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Migration and Welfare: Differential Grievabilities in the Swedish Right-Wing Continuum

Hägerbäck,

Norocel

2024

Nordic Journal of Migration Research

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In this study, we examine the way access to welfare provision for migrants is articulated discursively among three right-of-center parties in Sweden.For this, we suggest two theoretical advances. First, deploying the concept of the right-wing continuum, we highlight the gradual and reciprocal alignment between mainstream right-of-center and radical-right populist parties. Second, by resorting to the concept of grievability, we analyze the implications for migrants of such an ideological alignment. We argue that this specific alignment along the right-wing continuum is best understood by means of a series of discursive (re)articulations, whereby migrants have been progressively excluded, devalued, and construed as ungrievable, to the point where the different actors on the right-wing continuum no longer find collaboration among themselves unthinkable. Employing a methodological approach embedded in Political Discourse Theory, we evidence how the radical-right populist Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna, SD) has articulated welfare provision in a restrictive manner, which consequently excluded migrants. Concomitantly, the mainstream right-of-center parties, namely the liberal-conservative Moderate Party (Moderaterna, M), and the social-conservative Christian Democrats (Kristdemokraterna, KD), have gradually radicalized their positions and aligned with those of the SD.

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Section: Theoretical Scaffoldingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Theoretical Scaffoldingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Migration and Welfare: Differential Grievabilities in the Swedish Right-Wing Continuum

Hägerbäck,

Norocel

2024

Nordic Journal of Migration Research

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“…Today, the state apparatus has to a certain extent been transformed to operationalise neoliberal and ethnonationalist agendas. This is especially visible in areas of education, migration and gender equality politics (Reimers & Martinsson 2017, Mulinari & Neergaard 2022.…”

Section: Not Following the Rulesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Why Following the Rules Will Not Stop Them:

Martinsson¹,

Mulinari²

2023

lambda

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The last few decades have witnessed the emergence of several knowledge traditions within academic clusters inspired by and engaged in productive dialogue with transnational social movements such as feminist, queer, trans* and Crip studies, critical race theory, indigenous studies, and degrowth scholarship (Choudry & Kappor 2010; Bhattacharyya & Murji 2013; Carruthers 2018; Salisbury & Connelly 2021). Despite significant theoretical and methodological differences, these traditions share a recognition of the fundamental role played by social actors outside academia in the struggle for social justice in academic knowledge production. Recent decades have also witnessed the emergence of ethnonationalist and anti-gender social movements, networks, and political parties attacking these academic traditions and focusing on the university as a fundamental arena for generating and reproducing their ideologies of hate (Perry 2009). These attacks target academic fields and individual scholars sharing a commitment to social justice issues (Floyd 2009) and an understanding of knowledge production inside academia as contributing to visions of social justice beyond academia (Young 2000). Central to these threats against scholars working within social justice paradigms is the argument that their scholarly production is “political” and hence unscientific. In this article, we explore the politics of knowledge claims among key anti-gender and right-wing actors within and related to academic institutions in Sweden. Inspired by the concepts of neoliberal depoliticising and neoliberal governance, we analyse arguments and strategies from 2015 to 2021 designed to undermine gender studies and to create and establish arenas for right-wing ethnonationalist knowledge production within the academia.

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“…In municipal politics, the Sweden Democrats have often supported centre-right coalitions on tax cuts and privatization, demanded reduced refugee numbers, and "multi-cultural accounting,"earmarking money spent on natives vs. immigrants (Quensel and Poohl, 2011). However, the party often strives to redirect resources towards elderly care (Mulinari and Neergaard, 2017).…”

Section: Political Platformmentioning

confidence: 99%

Economic and Social Outsiders but Political Insiders: Sweden’s Populist Radical Right

Bó

Finan

Folke

et al. 2022

The Review of Economic Studies

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We study the politicians and voters of the Sweden Democrats, a major populist radical-right party. Based on detailed administrative data, we present the first comprehensive account of which politicians are selected into such a party. Surveys show that politicians and voters of the Sweden Democrats share strong anti-establishment and anti-immigration attitudes that drastically set them apart from Sweden's other parties. Searching for individual traits that link naturally to these attitudes, we classify the universe of Swedish politicians and voters by social and economic marginalization and exposure to immigration. Politicians from the Sweden Democrats overrepresent marginalized groups without strong attachments to the labor market or to traditional nuclear families, which instead are underrepresented among politicians in all other parties. Among voters, the Sweden Democrats have higher electoral support in precincts with higher shares of the same marginalized groups. We see the mobilization of the marginalized as an important driver of the party's success. Finally, we uncover that Sweden-Democrat politicians score lower on a number of valence traits than other-party politicians. In sum, the rise of the Sweden Democrats raised political representation for marginalized groups, but this came at a valence cost.

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The Swedish Racial Welfare Regime in Transition

Cited by 9 publications

References 51 publications

Migration and Welfare: Differential Grievabilities in the Swedish Right-Wing Continuum

Migration and Welfare: Differential Grievabilities in the Swedish Right-Wing Continuum

Why Following the Rules Will Not Stop Them:

Economic and Social Outsiders but Political Insiders: Sweden’s Populist Radical Right

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