Abstract:'Pirates'and'anti-pirates'havebecomecommonconcepts in the cultural political debate, as the file sharing phenomenon is a delicate and disputed subject. The fact that people organize in networks to share data with each other has led film and music companies from all over the world to initiate a number of anti-piracy organizations, assigned to protect the property rights to culture and information. In Sweden, the industrial organization The Swedish Bureau of Antipiracy on the one side, and the network The Bureau… Show more
“…Cybercrime, on the contrary, refers to pre-digital crimes committed with the help of computers and the Internet, such as fraud, theft and violent threats. As debates on hacktivism as well as digital piracy have shown however, this distinction is often hard to draw in practice (Lindgren, 2013; Lindgren and Linde, 2012; Lindgren and Lundström, 2011). Ultimately it comes down to whether the crimes have actual persons as victims or not, and, through layers of complex mediation, this is seldom clear-cut.…”
The study of discursive understandings of cybervictimisation draws on a dataset of crime news reporting and asks the question of if and how cybervictimisation is construed in ways that differ from other types of (non-digital) victimisation. Building on a critical discourse perspective employing corpus-based text analysis methods, the composition of news discourses about cybervictimisation are analysed, alongside the relationship between such representations and news media discourse on crime victimisation generally. The aim is to see what effect the presence of a digital dimension has for how the notion of victimisation is socially and culturally understood. The study shows, first, that news reporting on cybervictimisation has a strong bias towards crimes that fit well with the notion of ‘the ideal victim’ (such as sexual victimisation and bullying) while excluding other types like hacking and identity theft. The question is raised whether ‘victim’ discourse is able to account for the latter types or if new understandings and concepts will emerge. Second, the study shows that discourses promoting understandings of technology as contributing to amplifying danger, and that represent technology as potentially undermining social order, are strong in cybervictimisation news reports. These discourses are consequential for who is seen as a legitimate victim and not. Just as it can be very difficult to identify and apprehend perpetrators of cybercrime, so is also the identification and definition of cybervictims ambiguous and demands to be further researched.
“…Cybercrime, on the contrary, refers to pre-digital crimes committed with the help of computers and the Internet, such as fraud, theft and violent threats. As debates on hacktivism as well as digital piracy have shown however, this distinction is often hard to draw in practice (Lindgren, 2013; Lindgren and Linde, 2012; Lindgren and Lundström, 2011). Ultimately it comes down to whether the crimes have actual persons as victims or not, and, through layers of complex mediation, this is seldom clear-cut.…”
The study of discursive understandings of cybervictimisation draws on a dataset of crime news reporting and asks the question of if and how cybervictimisation is construed in ways that differ from other types of (non-digital) victimisation. Building on a critical discourse perspective employing corpus-based text analysis methods, the composition of news discourses about cybervictimisation are analysed, alongside the relationship between such representations and news media discourse on crime victimisation generally. The aim is to see what effect the presence of a digital dimension has for how the notion of victimisation is socially and culturally understood. The study shows, first, that news reporting on cybervictimisation has a strong bias towards crimes that fit well with the notion of ‘the ideal victim’ (such as sexual victimisation and bullying) while excluding other types like hacking and identity theft. The question is raised whether ‘victim’ discourse is able to account for the latter types or if new understandings and concepts will emerge. Second, the study shows that discourses promoting understandings of technology as contributing to amplifying danger, and that represent technology as potentially undermining social order, are strong in cybervictimisation news reports. These discourses are consequential for who is seen as a legitimate victim and not. Just as it can be very difficult to identify and apprehend perpetrators of cybercrime, so is also the identification and definition of cybervictims ambiguous and demands to be further researched.
“…However, the development of informal, lifeworld tactics -aside from their defensive role in a neoliberal Hobbesian societymay also operate proactively and subversively against the rules of a "free market." Media scholars (Dahlgren 2009;Miegel & Olsson 2008Lindgren & Linde 2011;Andersson 2012) working in the Swedish new media/ICT context focus on the civic affordances that new media practices carry. The "pirate element" is something that has been stressed by the aforementioned scholars.…”
Section: Case Study: Creative and Communicative Online Practices In Smentioning
confidence: 99%
“…These can potentially relate to broader political issues in given spatiotemporal moments. The popularity of "pirate practices" has also been argued to be a form of informal resistance practice, or what Ulrich Beck describes as "subpolitics" and Backardjeva as "subactivism" (Lindgren & Linde 2011). Pirate acts can be viewed as informal political acts because they are grounded on existing social conflicts, such as the one that concerns freedom of information versus copyright enclosures.…”
Section: Case Study: Creative and Communicative Online Practices In Smentioning
This study looks at a variety of "informal" uses of new media and ICTs. The term informal describes popular uses of digital technologies that often exist outside the norms, laws, and codes that dictate how digital technologies and networks are to be used. Such activities include what is commonly described as "piracy," but also embrace different peer-to-peer practices. Informal activities develop due to the affordances of digital technologies, which allow space for creativity and personalization of use, but are also due to broader sociocultural variables and contextual issues. In general terms, informal activities are those that concern the amateur activities of people using digital programs, tools, and networks. Media scholars see great potential in new media/ICT affordances, as related to the proliferation of grassroots participation, communication, and creativity. Nevertheless, a growing critical literature forces us to examine the actualization of such potential. This paper discusses the aforementioned issues by looking at new media/ICT uses in Sweden; it departs from critical perspectives that take into consideration the political economy of new media, and the cultural-political critiques of late-modern consumer societies.
“…THE RELEVANCE OF subpolitics is beginning to be widely recognised in the field of STS. A paper by de Vries (2007) highlights the value of the subpolitical (Bakardjieva, 2009; Beck, 1997; Linde and Lindgren, 2010) in examining expert influence in technological decisions. Building on the work of Collins and Evans (2002) who express concern that a democracy may not be able to afford an infinite amount of subpolitics, de Vries argues that the scope of the subpolitical needs to be delineated before it can be of any theoretical value for STS.…”
Making use of the recent STS focus on the idea of subpolitics, the study seeks to
understand the limited yet important implications of the rise of the political
twitterati1 for liberal democracy in Singapore. The phenomenon
marks a significant development not in terms of facilitating mass upheavals or
radical reforms as elsewhere in the world, but in terms of contributing towards
the construction of counter narratives to the historically articulated and
previously uncontested discourses of progress, efficiency, productivity and
success that in part have legitimated the political establishment in Singapore.
By critiquing the regime’s myriad narratives of accomplishments and
constructing subversive counter narratives through ‘series tweets’
that were infused with wit, sarcasm, parody and satire, the political twitterati
in Singapore has expanded the vistas of democratic participation while remaining
loyal to the country’s non-Western liberal democratic framework.
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