The struggle over the services directive: the role of the European Parliament and the ETUC

Dølvik, Jon Erik; Ødegård, Anne Mette

doi:10.1080/0023656x.2012.650433

Cited by 8 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 14 publications

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“…In addition, the diminishing pressure from the European Commission on the parties to negotiate since the late 1990s has led to a decrease in agreements reached (de Boer et al, 2005). However, trade union collaboration through the ETUC and social dialogue is still one of the main channels for EU policy influence, which, for instance, was shown in connection to struggles over the services directive (Bieler & Schulten, 2008;Dølvik & Ødegård, 2012).…”

Section: Trade Union Channels For Influencing Eu Policiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Other areas, such as wage bargaining, the right to strike, and the right to association, are defined as being outside EU competencies of the 'social dimension' (Bieler, 2005;Greenwoood, 2007, p. 95;Smismans, 2012). With regard to lobbying EU institutions, trade unions have been said to be less influential than organized business (Dølvik & Ødegård, 2012). For these and other reasons, trade unions are considered 'structurally disadvantaged in the EU institutional set-up' (Bieler & Goudriaan, 2011, p.…”

Section: Previous Research On Trade Unions' Access Points To Eu Policiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The only study presenting specific information on the latter issue is Nergaard and Dølvik (2005), though with a focus on the Nordic countries only. In addition, there is research focusing on a particular forum of influence, such as social dialogue and cooperation through the ETUC (e.g., Clauwaert, 2011;Dølvik, 1997;Gold et al, 2007;Müllensiefen, 2012), sectoral social dialogue (e.g., Kaeding & Obholzer, 2012;Keller & Weber, 2011;Léonard et al, 2011Léonard et al, , 2012, coalitions with non-governmental organizations (NGOs) (e.g., Bieler & Goudriaan, 2011), or on trade unions' influence on singular policy issues such as the services directive (e.g., Bernaciak, 2011;Dølvik & Ødegård, 2012).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Trade Union Channels for Influencing European Union Policies

Larsson

2015

NJWLS

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Section: Trade Union Channels For Influencing Eu Policiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Previous Research On Trade Unions' Access Points To Eu Policiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Trade Union Channels for Influencing European Union Policies

Larsson

2015

NJWLS

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“…They also play an important role at the EU level, as national and European trade unions have increased their efforts to mold the development of social policy and social rights at the EU level. Unions have become more active in the European social dialogue, in collaborating with parties in the European Parliament and the Commission (Vanhercke and Spasova, 2021), as well as through transnational cooperation, mobilization and protest (Dølvik and Ødegård, 2012; Erne, 2008; Vulkan and Larsson, 2019). This activism has faced numerous obstacles, but over the years it has been increasingly significant (Lehndorff, 2015; Prosser, 2016; Sørensen et al, 2022).…”

Section: Social Rights As ‘Resources Of Power’mentioning

confidence: 99%

Social citizenship as a marble cake: The changing pattern of right production and the role of the EU

Ferrera,

Corti,

Keune

2023

Journal of European Social Policy

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The launch of the European Pillar of Social Rights has reinvigorated the debate on the role that the European Union can exercise in the sphere of subjective rights. Such debate has traditionally focused on the limits of the current social acquis, considered unable to create fully-fledged European social citizenship, that ultimately remains limited to the right to reside and freely move within the EU and enjoy social rights as nationals. Conversely, this article argues that the gradual expansion of the EU’s social acquis has slowly but clearly started to disconnect social rights from their exclusive national foundations, leading to the emergence of a new marble cake pattern of right production, which to a large extent reproduces the trajectory of federal polities. To capture this development, this article proposes an original analytical framework to dissect the notion of social rights as bundles of power resources (normative, instrumental and enforcement), which enable individuals to claim and actually receive material benefits in order to cope with a codified array of risks and needs. By shifting the attention from the formal dimension (laws and their enforcement) to its concrete practice (access and outputs), our conception connects the concept of social citizenship more directly to what ultimately matters for life chances (individualised material benefits) as well as for the social and political bonds of a community (the rights-based claim and experience of social protection). In so doing, we move beyond the boundaries of the nation-state as the only producer of social entitlements and are able to appreciate the increasing relevance of the European Union as a provider of power resources and guarantor of policy outputs.

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“…Selv om den svenske og danske motstanden mot EUs direktiv om minstelønnsregulering bidro til viktige endringer i innholdet, illustrerer saken at det er vanskelig å få gjennomslag med mindre en kan bygge bredere allianser. Ett eksempel på at det er mulig, er svenske aktørers sentrale rolle i omarbeidingen av det opprinnelige forslaget til direktiv om tjenestehandel (Dølvik & Ødegård, 2012). I slike sammenhenger kan kompetansen til enkeltpersoner ha avgjørende innvirkning, men de vil vaere avhengige av alliansebygging med nasjonale politiske representanter og embetsfolk som deltar i forhandlingsprosessene i EUs ministerråd og parlament.…”

Section: Fra Eøs Til Eu-medlemskap: Arbeidslivspolitiske Forskjellerunclassified

Innenfor eller utenfor: Rammene for arbeidslivspolitikk ved ulike EU-tilknytninger

Dølvik,

Alsos,

Ødegård

2023

Internasjonal Politikk

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I debatten om Norges EU-tilknytning har konsekvensene for arbeidslivspolitikken stått sentralt. Denne artikkelen beskriver først hva striden om arbeidslivsregulering innenfor EØS har dreid seg om. Deretter drøftes hvordan de mest aktuelle alternativene til EØS-avtalen – en britisk-inspirert frihandelsavtale for industrivarer («norxit») og EU-medlemskap – kan påvirke rammene for den nasjonale arbeidslivspolitikken. Norxit vil gi økt formell handlefrihet, men økte barrierer for grensekryssende handel og arbeids- og tjenestemobilitet vil endre de økonomisk-politiske rammene for arbeidslivspolitikken. Å erstatte deltakelse i det indre markedet med en frihandelsavtale for varer, vil trolig føre til svakere vekst i investeringer, handel, produksjon og sysselsetting. Videre kan oppløsning av det «nasjonale kompromisset» om EØS-avtalen og svekket konkurranseevne for næringslivet bidra til at konfliktnivået i arbeidslivspolitikken og den økonomiske politikken skjerpes. EU-medlemskap vil i hovedsak gi samme formelle rammer for arbeidslivspolitikken som EØS-avtalen, men vil styrke det politisk-demokratiske grunnlaget for alliansebygging og påvirkning av EUs arbeidslivreguleringer. Et medlemskap kan innebære store omstillinger for landbruket og fiskerinæringen, men åpne nye eksportmuligheter for fiskeindustrien og havbruksnæringen. Tap av selvstendig pengepolitikk ved deltakelse i ØMU/euro vil legge økte byrder på finans- og lønnspolitikken, men videreføringen av nasjonal valuta i flere medlemsland illustrerer at det ikke er noen automatisk kopling mellom EU-medlemskap og ØMU. Abstract in English:Inside or Outside: The Framework for Working Life Policies in Various EU ConnectionsIn the debate about Norway’s relationship to the EU, the consequences for working life policies have featured centrally. This article first describes what the strife over labour market regulation under the EEA-agreement has been about. Then it discusses how the most relevant alternatives to the EEA-agreement – a British-inspired free trade agreement and EU membership – may influence the ramifications for national working life policies. Norxit will increase the formal room for manoeuvre, but increased barriers to cross-border trade and mobility of labour and services will alter the economic-political frameworks for working life policies. Replacing participation in the single market with a free trade agreement will probably imply reduced growth in investment, trade, production and employment. Further, evaporation of the «national compromise» about the EEA-agreement, and weakened competitiveness for business, is likely to heighten the level of conflict in working life and economic policies. EU membership will mainly entail the same formal frameworks for working life policies as the EEA-agreement, but will strengthen the politico-democratic basis for coalition-building and influence on EU labour market regulations. Membership may imply significant adjustments for agriculture and fisheries, but can open new export opportunities for the seafood and fishing industry. Loss of independent monetary policy through memberhip in EMU/euro, will imply increased burdens on fiscal and wage policies, but the preservation of national currencies in a number of EU member states illustrate that there is no automatic coupling between between membership in the EU and EMU.

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The struggle over the services directive: the role of the European Parliament and the ETUC

Cited by 8 publications

References 14 publications

Trade Union Channels for Influencing European Union Policies

Trade Union Channels for Influencing European Union Policies

Social citizenship as a marble cake: The changing pattern of right production and the role of the EU

Innenfor eller utenfor: Rammene for arbeidslivspolitikk ved ulike EU-tilknytninger

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