The structure and typology of the Chinese passive construction

Hashimoto, Mantaro J.

doi:10.1075/tsl.16.11has

Cited by 15 publications

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“…In the literature, researchers hypothesize that the adversity reading may drop as the time goes by, but they differ in the cause of the dropping (see the discussions in Ma, 2003;Yang, 2006). There are two main hypotheses: one assumes that the dropping is due to language contact (i.e., Wang, 1957;Chao, 1968;Li and Thompson, 1981;Hashimoto, 1988) and the other assumes that the word BEI has been grammaticalized (i.e., Peyraube 1989;Tien, 2000;Xing, 2003;Yang 2006). The first hypothesis basically adopts the view of external influence, i.e., Language Contact.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The word BEI experienced some internal change, shifting from a content word to a passive marker. For example, Hashimoto (1988) proposes that the adversity reading has declined from the end of the Tang Dynasty. Peyraube (1989) points out that the original BEI has the meaning of "blanket" as a noun and "to receive, to suffer" as a verb in the Han Dynasty.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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A Preliminary Investigation of the Adversity Reading in Archaic WEI Passives

Hamed¹

2012

Journal of Social Sciences

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Problem statement: It is well-known that modern Chinese imposes such a requirement on the subject in the BEI passive, but in fact it does not hold tightly in Modern Chinese. Only 50-75% of passives have the adversity reading on the subject. Approach: One approach to explain this phenomenon is to adopt the view of grammaticalization and trace the semantic change of the morpheme BEI. However, the majority of the passive construction in archaic Chinese is not the BEI passive, but the WEI construction. The Adversity reading in the WEI construction in archaic Chinese is examined as a pilot study in this study. Results: Our research result shows that in the book of Shi Ji, among 50 tokens, 78% of the WEI passive has the adversity reading. Conclusion: This thus indicates that our impression about the adversity reading imposed on passives is not an absolute requirement, no matter in modern or archaic Chinese. On the other hand, the investigation of the WEIâ¦SUO construction indicates that there is a decline of the adversity reading. We therefore conclude that a follow-up study should be carried out to complete the whole picture of the investigation of the adversity reading in Chinese passives.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

A Preliminary Investigation of the Adversity Reading in Archaic WEI Passives

Hamed¹

2012

Journal of Social Sciences

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“…As shown in the Mandarin Chinese examples in (9a-d), the 'give' verb (9a) can develop into a causative verb meaning 'let' or 'allow' (9b) (see Lord, Iwasaki & Yap 2002), and as seen in (9c), the 'give' verb can also be reinterpreted as a case marker for defocused agents in passive constructions (e.g. gěi xiāofángyuán 給消防員 'by the firefighters') (see Hashimoto 1988;Yap & Iwasaki 2003). Of particular interest here, and rather rare in the languages of the world (attested thus far only within the Sinitic language family, typically observed among speakers of Mandarin and Southern Min varieties, as shown in (9d) and (9e-f) respectively), the 'give' verb can further be used as a speaker affectedness marker (Chen & Yap 2018).…”

Section: Stance Markers Derived From Versatile Transfer Verb Construcmentioning

confidence: 99%

The grammaticalization of stance markers in Chinese

Yap¹,

Chor²

2019

The Routledge Handbook of Chinese Discourse Analysis

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“…A causative-to-passive development involving the 'give' morpheme has been noted in a number of languages, not only in Chinese (e.g., Yue-Hashimoto 1976;Hashimoto 1986;Hashimoto 1988;Zhang 2000;Yap and Iwasaki 2003;Chin 2011) but also in neighboring languages such as Manchu-Tungusic (Nedjalkov 1993;Knott 1995 In (22b), the second token of keoi 5 'him', which is the object of the verb sek 3 'kiss', is co-referential with the permissive causer NP keoi 5 'he' in subject position.…”

Section: Previous Insights Into the Development Of Passive And Unaccumentioning

confidence: 99%

Pathways to adversity and speaker affectedness: On the emergence of unaccusative ‘give’ constructions in Chinese

Chen

Yap

2018

Linguistics

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In this paper, we examine the characteristics of unaccusative 'give' constructions in Chinese, and additionally identify the pathways for their emergence in some Chinese dialects, in particular Southern Min and Mandarin varieties.1 We distinguish between Type 1 and Type 2 unaccusative 'give' constructions, the former involving reversible 'escape'-type intransitive predicates, and the latter irreversible 'die'-type intransitive predicates. Type 1 constructions are attested in many Chinese varieties, such as Mandarin, Min, Wu, Hui, Hakka and Cantonese, whereas Type 2 constructions are more rare and thus far are mainly attested in Southern Min and some Mandarin varieties. Two major pathways in the development of unaccusative 'give' constructions are identified in this paper, namely, the causative pathway and the passive-mediated pathway. Our analysis also traces how the unaccusative 'give' construction develops into a marker of adversity and speaker affectedness. The findings of this study have implications for understanding the relationship between changes in valence (i.e., the number of core arguments that are profiled in a given construction) and speaker's subjective stance.

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The structure and typology of the Chinese passive construction

Cited by 15 publications

References 0 publications

A Preliminary Investigation of the Adversity Reading in Archaic WEI Passives

A Preliminary Investigation of the Adversity Reading in Archaic WEI Passives

The grammaticalization of stance markers in Chinese

Pathways to adversity and speaker affectedness: On the emergence of unaccusative ‘give’ constructions in Chinese

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