The Stage/Individual Distinction and (In)alienable Possession

Ogawa, Yoshiki

doi:10.1353/lan.2001.0025

Cited by 15 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 18 publications

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“…In a word, if (22) is correct, one can capture the parallelism between nonverbal predicative phrases and spatial PPs observed in (17), as follows: In (17), we saw that the PP niwa-de ''in the garden'' is a PredP adjoined to a dynamic event. As predicted, the contrast between (24a) and (24a') suggests that this phrase can indirectly modify a noun that has an event argument (or e-place); according to Ogawa (2001), event nominals, IAP (inalienable possession) nominals, and relational nominals are stage-level predicates with an e-place. I assume that the de-PredP in (24a') is predicated of this e-place.…”

Section: Spatial Pps and Non-verbal Predicative Phrasesmentioning

confidence: 74%

“…In (45), (46), and (47), a-words function as adjuncts. They can be state-denoting predicative complements also; in (49), they function as complements of intransitive verbs and the copular be, while in (50) they function as complements of transitive verbs or small-clause predicates.…”

Section: (I) A-words As Placep/predpmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…First, in section 4.2, we saw that a-words function both as adverbs (see (45), (46), (47)) and as predicative adjectives (see (49), (50), (53), (54)) in traditional parts-of-speech terms. Both of these functions can be subsumed under the output category Pred+A because in Baker's (2003) category theory, Adv is a type of A (Baker 2003: sec.…”

Section: The Syntactic Category Of A-wordsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Multi-layered PP Analysis and the Prefix a- in English

Nagano

2014

IIS

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This study presents a generative-linguistic analysis of the prefix a-in English morphology. Using Baker's (2003) theory of syntactic categories and Svenonius ' (2006, 2010) multi-layered analysis of spatial PPs, I argue that locative on-phrases underwent the process of grammaticalization to yield a-words in which the prefix a-realizes the category Pred. Denominal and de-adjectival a-words so formed triggered the emergence of a productive derivational pattern that produces stative predicates of the complex category Pred+A from inputs of any lexical category (N, A, and V). This analysis accounts for the non-canonical syntactic distribution of a-words as well as their morphological left-headedness.

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Section: Spatial Pps and Non-verbal Predicative Phrasesmentioning

confidence: 74%

Section: (I) A-words As Placep/predpmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Syntactic Category Of A-wordsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Multi-layered PP Analysis and the Prefix a- in English

Nagano

2014

IIS

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“…I assume that if the kernel element is relational (e.g. taidu ‘attitude’, linju ‘neighbor’, or body part terms such as shou ‘hand’), it is possible that the non‐kernel element is merged with the kernel element first, satisfying the selection of the latter (Castillo 2001, Ogawa 2001), and then is remerged as the Specifier of de .…”

Section: Argument a For The New Account Of The Cce: Similar Effectmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Not , it is possible that the non-kernel element is merged with the kernel element first, satisfying the selection of the latter (Castillo 2001, Ogawa 2001, and then is remerged as the Specifier of de.…”

Section: The Various Categories Of Kernel-final Constructionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Explaining the immobility of conjuncts*

Zhang¹

2010

Studia Linguistica

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This paper aims to explain the well-observed constraint that no conjunct may move. It is claimed that, with respect to final conjuncts, this constraint simply manifests a morphological property of coordinators shared with many other types of head elements: they need to be adjacent to their complement, and thus neither deletion nor movement of their complement is possible. Final conjuncts therefore may not move. Based on the assumption that the categorial features of initial conjuncts are transferred to the coordinator and, it is claimed that this transference keeps initial conjuncts in situ, since elements without category-features may not move overtly. This new account for the immobility of initial conjuncts is supported by two generalizations. Firstly, in the Chinese de construction, kernel elements may not move because they provide categorial features for de, which has no intrinsic categorial features and is the head of the whole complex. Secondly, in the comitative coordinate construction in Chinese, initial conjuncts may move because they do not provide categorial features for the coordinators, which have their own intrinsic categorial features. This paper specifies the semantic condition of initial conjunct movement: the coordination must be non-distributive. This new account of the immobility of conjuncts suggests that the constraint is not a construction-specific syntactic constraint. Instead, it is related to the lexical/ morphological makeup of coordinators. Conjuncts as regular Spec and Complement elements may undergo syntactic movement. It has been generally assumed that movement is driven by morphological considerations. This study further shows that the blocking of movement can also be related to morphological properties of specific syntactic elements in addition to the generally recognized locality restrictions.

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Secondary Predicates in Australian Languages

Schultze-Berndt¹

2006

The Blackwell Companion to Syntax

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The Stage/Individual Distinction and (In)alienable Possession

Cited by 15 publications

References 18 publications

The Multi-layered PP Analysis and the Prefix a- in English

The Multi-layered PP Analysis and the Prefix a- in English

Explaining the immobility of conjuncts*

Secondary Predicates in Australian Languages

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