The socio-political dynamics of secularism and epistemological injustice in global justice theory and practice

Wilson, Erin K.

doi:10.1080/14616696.2017.1334948

Cited by 5 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 42 publications

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“…Scholars have increasingly called for recognition by the international humanitarian community that a secular framework refl ects a predominantly Western, neoliberal ideology, and is just one of many epistemological perspectives through which to interpret social problems and imagine eff ective solutions (Wilson 2017). Some scholars even assert that the staunch secular stance upheld by international aid organizations not only impedes inclusion of diverse local actors but may also serve to reproduce cycles of social inequality and oppression, as a new "form of neo-colonialism" (A.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Local Faith Actors and the Global Compact on Refugees

Wurtz

Wilkinson²

2020

Migration and Society

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Power dynamics of global decision-making have meant that local faith actors have not been frequently heard in the context of refugee response. The development of new global refugee and humanitarian frameworks gives hope that there will be greater inclusion of Southern-led, faith-based responses. A closer look, however, demonstrates discrepancies between the frameworks used in global policy processes and the realities of local faith actors in providing refugee assistance. We present primary research from distinct case studies in Mexico and Honduras, which counters much of what is assumed about local faith actors in refugee services and aid. Interventions that are considered to be examples of good practice in the global South are not always congruent with those conceptualized as good practices by the international community. Failure to recognize and integrate approaches and practices from the global South, including those led by actors inspired by faith, will ultimately continue to replicate dominant global power structures.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Local Faith Actors and the Global Compact on Refugees

Wurtz

Wilkinson²

2020

Migration and Society

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“…The catch cries of the WSF-'Another World Is Possible' and 'There Are Many Alternatives' (as opposed to Margaret Thatcher's claim that 'There Is No Alternative')-are evidence of this commitment to address the dominance of particular knowledge structures globally (see, for example, Bello, 1999;De Sousa Santos, 2014;George, 2004;Klein, 2000). Secularism's in-built self-justificatory logic, that it is neutral, at least as far as the value of different 'religions' are concerned, and universal, as opposed to 'religious', spiritual, and cosmological worldviews, which are subjective and culturally specific, has for a long time contributed to obscuring the relationship between secularism and epistemological injustice, although this is increasingly being highlighted by scholars in global justice theory and practice (Conway, 2013;Daulatzai, 2004;Smith & Smythe, 2017, this volume;Wilson, 2010Wilson, , 2017.…”

Section: Articulating Ontological Injusticementioning

confidence: 99%

‘Power Differences’ and ‘the Power of Difference’: The Dominance of Secularism as Ontological Injustice

Wilson

2017

Globalizations

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Recent religious studies and international relations scholarship has highlighted secularism as a critical element in dominant modes of identity, power, and exclusion in global politics. Yet, the implications of these insights for global justice theory and practice have rarely been considered. This article suggests that the current dominance of secularism within global justice theory and practice risks undermining the global justice project. Specifically, I argue that secularism's dominance constitutes an ontological injustice, where both alternative non-secular visions of the world and visions of alternative non-secular worlds are subordinated to secular ontologies. However, this argument raises a crucial question: if, despite secularism's claim to neutrality and universality, the dominance of secular ontologies contributes to rather than ameliorates injustice, the question that remains is: what are the alternatives? The article concludes by exploring some preliminary responses to this question.

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“…395 Wilson, E.K., '"Good International Citizen" or "Nation under Threat"? 1989 and the politics of identity in Australia', in: Engler, U. et al, 1989 in a Global Perspective (Leipzig 2015) 306-307. 396 Abdel-Fattah, Islamophobia, 19.…”

Section: Racial Exclusion Of White Australiamentioning

confidence: 99%

Spectrums of belonging

Muller

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Well before the Russian invasion in Ukraine, other dynamics of forced migration, such as the European 'refugee crisis' or the perceived threat of 'irregular maritime arrivals' attempting to reach Australian shores, have highlighted that communities of resettlement consider the existence of their 'native' culture at risk in the face of mass displacement. 5 Such resistance has resulted in these societies determining to 'define' and 'protect' their national cultural heritage, norms and values, and identity. 6 Throughout political and public debates on human displacement, often expressed through media outlets, sentiments of fear, anger, and insecurity permeate how the arrival of forced migrants is perceived. 7 Concerns about immigration are increasingly expressed in terms of religion, with a particular focus on Islam. 8 Shared logics and patterns of Islamophobia as manifested in Western 9 societies in which Muslims are a minority include the securitisation of immigration policies and religious practices, and processes of racialising and problematising 'the Muslim presence'. 10 Religion thus has become a category by which the subjects of immigrant integration and inclusion are classified, and differentiated. 11 Equally, religious identity has become a pivotal category by which the national identity of the in-group is defined. 12 The intensifying prominence of religion in global discourse on migration includes the assumption that identity formations and a consequent insider/outsider logic are made along religious and racial lines, in the sense that in public and political discourse, there is an overemphasis on the religious identity of forced migrants. 13 In the political and public imagination, this view is based on the idea that religion is one of the main features of migrants' identity, and that this will hinder or complicate their integration in countries of resettlement. 14 It is

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The socio-political dynamics of secularism and epistemological injustice in global justice theory and practice

Cited by 5 publications

References 42 publications

Local Faith Actors and the Global Compact on Refugees

Local Faith Actors and the Global Compact on Refugees

‘Power Differences’ and ‘the Power of Difference’: The Dominance of Secularism as Ontological Injustice

Spectrums of belonging

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