Abstract:A simple rule for the optimal global price of carbon is presented, which captures the geophysical, economic, and ethical drivers of climate policy as well as the effect of uncertainty about future growth of consumption. There is also a discussion of the optimal carbon budget and the amount of unburnable carbon and stranded fossil fuel reserves and a back-on-theenvelope expression are given for calculating these. It is also shown how one can derive the end of the carbon era and peak warming. This simple arithme… Show more
“…Each of the identified approaches is subject to complications vis‐à‐vis “carbon leakages” and “green paradoxes” (for more see Baldwin et al, 2020 ; Edenhofer et al, 2020 ; Foster et al, 2017 ; Le Billon & Kristoffersen, 2019 ; Sinn, 2008 , 2012 ; van der Ploeg & Rezai, 2018 ). One proposed way to mitigate against leakages and green paradoxes is through “globally coordinate[d] climate change policy” (Foster et al, 2017 , p. 259), since climate change “cannot be successfully resolved in the absence of effective global governance” (Cole, 2011 , p. 1).…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Many of the particularly mainstream LFFU approaches (e.g., carbon taxes) were discussed predominantly (though not entirely) in the context of the Global North, for example (inter alia), in the UK (e.g., Bebbington et al, 2020 ; Caldecott & Dericks, 2018 ; Johnstone et al, 2017 ), Norway (Bang & Lahn, 2019 ; Kopytin et al, 2020 ; Marsden et al, 2019 ), and the US (e.g., Hubacek & Baiocchi, 2018 ; Kefford et al, 2018 ; van de Graaf, 2018 ; van der Ploeg & Rezai, 2018 ), among others. Empirical research covering the Global South is steadily growing, with Muldoon‐Smith and Greenhalgh ( 2019 , p. 60) calling for a move “beyond the mostly Western European and North American perspectives” and others corroborating (Ansari & Holz, 2020 ; Bos & Gupta, 2018 ).…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Improving energy efficiency at the intra‐ and international level can only effectively LFFU when “more efficient” fossil fuels cannot be used to replace “less efficient” variants. Moreover, calls to improve energy efficiency with Bioenergy with Carbon Capture and Storage (BECCS) must also be rejected, given the unproven, uneconomical, and socio‐ecologically hazardous state of BECCS technology (Hubacek & Baiocchi, 2018 ; Kefford et al, 2018 ; Mo et al, 2018 ; Rodriguez et al, 2017 ; van der Ploeg & Rezai, 2018 ). The OECD ( 2020 ) Export Credit Arrangement includes efficiency regulations, but does not meet the conditions above as they allow for BECCS integration and new fossil projects in exchange for decommissioning older and dirtier ones.…”
Section: Analysis: Effectiveness Equitability and Feasibilitymentioning
Most fossil fuel resources must remain unused to comply with the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. Scholars and policymakers debate which approaches should be undertaken to Leave Fossil Fuels Underground (LFFU). However, existing scholarship has not yet inventoried and evaluated the array of approaches to LFFU based on their effectiveness, equity, or feasibility. Hence, this review article asks: What lessons can we learn from reviewing scholarship on proposed approaches to leaving fossil fuels underground (LFFU)? We identify 28 unique LFFU approaches, of which only 12 are deemed environmentally effective (e.g., fossil fuel extraction taxes, bans and moratoria, and financial swaps); eight involve moderate‐to‐high (non‐)monetary costs, and only four are deemed entirely just and equitable. Of the 12 environmentally effective approaches: only three were deemed cost‐effective (regulating financial capital for fossil fuel projects, removing existing fossil fuel subsidies, and bans & moratoria); merely four were deemed equitable (asset write‐offs, retiring existing fossil infrastructure, pursuing court cases/litigation, and financial swaps); and all were deemed institutionally problematic in terms of their feasibility (six were challenging to implement as they threatened the vested interests of powerful stakeholder groups). Moreover, the reviewed scholarship draws heavily on empirical studies of how these LFFU approaches can be optimized in European, North American, and Chinese contexts; fewer studies have explored the effectiveness and fairness of LFFU approaches in the South and/or in a North–South context. Future research should particularly focus on North–South fossil fuel financial flows, which have received comparatively little attention.
This article is categorized under:
The Carbon Economy and Climate Mitigation > Decarbonizing Energy and/or Reducing Demand
“…Each of the identified approaches is subject to complications vis‐à‐vis “carbon leakages” and “green paradoxes” (for more see Baldwin et al, 2020 ; Edenhofer et al, 2020 ; Foster et al, 2017 ; Le Billon & Kristoffersen, 2019 ; Sinn, 2008 , 2012 ; van der Ploeg & Rezai, 2018 ). One proposed way to mitigate against leakages and green paradoxes is through “globally coordinate[d] climate change policy” (Foster et al, 2017 , p. 259), since climate change “cannot be successfully resolved in the absence of effective global governance” (Cole, 2011 , p. 1).…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Many of the particularly mainstream LFFU approaches (e.g., carbon taxes) were discussed predominantly (though not entirely) in the context of the Global North, for example (inter alia), in the UK (e.g., Bebbington et al, 2020 ; Caldecott & Dericks, 2018 ; Johnstone et al, 2017 ), Norway (Bang & Lahn, 2019 ; Kopytin et al, 2020 ; Marsden et al, 2019 ), and the US (e.g., Hubacek & Baiocchi, 2018 ; Kefford et al, 2018 ; van de Graaf, 2018 ; van der Ploeg & Rezai, 2018 ), among others. Empirical research covering the Global South is steadily growing, with Muldoon‐Smith and Greenhalgh ( 2019 , p. 60) calling for a move “beyond the mostly Western European and North American perspectives” and others corroborating (Ansari & Holz, 2020 ; Bos & Gupta, 2018 ).…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Improving energy efficiency at the intra‐ and international level can only effectively LFFU when “more efficient” fossil fuels cannot be used to replace “less efficient” variants. Moreover, calls to improve energy efficiency with Bioenergy with Carbon Capture and Storage (BECCS) must also be rejected, given the unproven, uneconomical, and socio‐ecologically hazardous state of BECCS technology (Hubacek & Baiocchi, 2018 ; Kefford et al, 2018 ; Mo et al, 2018 ; Rodriguez et al, 2017 ; van der Ploeg & Rezai, 2018 ). The OECD ( 2020 ) Export Credit Arrangement includes efficiency regulations, but does not meet the conditions above as they allow for BECCS integration and new fossil projects in exchange for decommissioning older and dirtier ones.…”
Section: Analysis: Effectiveness Equitability and Feasibilitymentioning
Most fossil fuel resources must remain unused to comply with the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. Scholars and policymakers debate which approaches should be undertaken to Leave Fossil Fuels Underground (LFFU). However, existing scholarship has not yet inventoried and evaluated the array of approaches to LFFU based on their effectiveness, equity, or feasibility. Hence, this review article asks: What lessons can we learn from reviewing scholarship on proposed approaches to leaving fossil fuels underground (LFFU)? We identify 28 unique LFFU approaches, of which only 12 are deemed environmentally effective (e.g., fossil fuel extraction taxes, bans and moratoria, and financial swaps); eight involve moderate‐to‐high (non‐)monetary costs, and only four are deemed entirely just and equitable. Of the 12 environmentally effective approaches: only three were deemed cost‐effective (regulating financial capital for fossil fuel projects, removing existing fossil fuel subsidies, and bans & moratoria); merely four were deemed equitable (asset write‐offs, retiring existing fossil infrastructure, pursuing court cases/litigation, and financial swaps); and all were deemed institutionally problematic in terms of their feasibility (six were challenging to implement as they threatened the vested interests of powerful stakeholder groups). Moreover, the reviewed scholarship draws heavily on empirical studies of how these LFFU approaches can be optimized in European, North American, and Chinese contexts; fewer studies have explored the effectiveness and fairness of LFFU approaches in the South and/or in a North–South context. Future research should particularly focus on North–South fossil fuel financial flows, which have received comparatively little attention.
This article is categorized under:
The Carbon Economy and Climate Mitigation > Decarbonizing Energy and/or Reducing Demand
“…Progress on this front has been questionable given that as of 2019, we are globally set to "produce about 50% more fossil fuels by 2030 than would be consistent with a 2°C pathway and 120% more than would be consistent with a 1.5°C pathway" [7: p.4]. Some have speculated over the possibility of reducing emissions through Carbon Capture & Storage (CCS)which would negate the extent to which fossil fuel production ought to be reduced [8] but ample research shows that CCS technologies are underdeveloped, uneconomical and socially and environmentally problematic [9,10]. As such, more aggressive and immediate action is needed by public and private actors alike to fetter fossil fuel markets and address the climate emergency by Leaving Fossil Fuels Underground (LFFU).…”
Section: Climate Targets and Fossil Fuelsmentioning
The 2015 Paris Agreement on Climate Change implicitly calls for leaving 80% of coal, 50% of gas and 33% of oil reserves underground. This paper studies the scarcely addressed relationship between investors like pension funds and climate policy implementation by addressing the question: what is the extent of pension fund investments in the fossil fuel sector, what is the range of actions that pension funds take to address environmental issues, and what does this suggest about pension fund commitments to ambitious climate targets through leaving fossil fuels underground? A small sample of pension funds alone manages at least €79 billion in liquid fossil fuel assets, suggesting that OECD pension funds may jointly manage between €238-828 billion. Sustainability reports reveal that pension funds engage in five actions to implement climate policies: 1) divestment; 2) direct engagement; 3) carbon footprint calculations; 4) investing in 'green' alternatives; and 5) engaging in climateoriented coalitions. However, their use of these actions is so far ineffective and counterproductive to taming the fossil fuel sector. Pension funds are not fully committed to leaving fossil fuels underground, which de facto renders them not yet committed to meeting ambitious climate targets. Forthcoming policies must target investors like pension funds to improve the prospects of meeting such targets and protect vulnerable countries from inheriting the risks of stranded assets.
“…This analysis also contributes to the debate on stranded assets but transcends the conventional narrative with a broader perspective. The stranded assets literature originated from the observation of the quantitative mismatch between the volume of carbon embedded in the size of proven reserves of fossil fuels and the volume of future emissions consistent with different global temperature increase constraints, or "carbon budget" (Carbon Tracker and Grantham Institute 2013, Helm 2015, Meinshausen et al 2009McGlade and Ekins, 2015;van der Ploeg, 2018). The distributional estimates of whose reserves are "unburnable" are usually based on the calculations using global extraction cost curves and break-even prices.…”
Fossil fuel importers can apply various climate and trade taxes to encourage fossil fuel-dependent countries to cooperate on climate mitigation, and fossil fueldependent countries can respond with alternative diversification and cooperation strategies. This paper runs macroeconomic model simulations of alternative strategies that the global community and fossil fueldependent countries can pursue to encourage and enable their participation in a global low-carbon transition. The following are the findings from the simulations. (i) Fuel importers' unilateral carbon taxes capture fossil fuel-dependent countries' resource rents and accelerate their emission-intensive diversification.(ii) Border taxes on the carbon content of imports from fossil fuel-dependent countries do not induce comprehensive cooperation, but broader trade sanctions do.
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