The Shifting Role of Value-Added Tax (VAT) as a Media Policy Tool: A Three-Country Comparison of Political Justifications

Ots, Märt; Krumsvik, Arne H.; Ala-Fossi, Marko; Rendahl, Pernilla

doi:10.1080/13183222.2016.1162988

Cited by 21 publications

(22 citation statements)

References 20 publications

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“…Although the differences are a matter of degree rather than fundamentals, Syvertsen et al (2014) argue that the media in the Nordic countries is understood within the framework of the welfare state and suggest the term Media Welfare State to capture its distinctiveness: emphasis on universality, private–public cooperation and positive view of state intervention. In Norway, there is a presence of a wider normative framework and political interventions in the media system protected by the state in order to fulfil policy goals and support the media as a public good (Allern and Pollack, 2017; Larsen, 2011; Ohlsson, 2015; Ots et al, 2016). In comparison, the Flemish intervention in the media market can be characterized as a form of controlled liberalization , where government intervenes to achieve specific goals, as well as to curb market failure and prevent full-fledged liberalization.…”

Section: Small Media Markets Different Media Systemsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Media policy for private media in the age of digital platforms

Enli

Raats

Syvertsen

et al. 2019

European Journal of Communication

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Digital platforms such as Google, Facebook and Netflix have caused a watershed moment not only for markets and businesses but also for media policy. Concerns about the US-based digital platforms’ impact on national media markets have grown among European media businesses as well as policy makers. Media policy research argues that small media markets are particularly vulnerable to global players and foreign influence, but that market size must be understood also in the context of political traditions. This article investigates how digital platforms influence media policy for private media businesses in the small media systems of Norway and Flanders. Drawing on 20 qualitative interviews with CEOs and top-level media managers in these two small media markets, we ask what private media businesses expect from policy makers in light of the intensified competition from digital platforms, what experience they have with cooperating with policy makers and what explains the differences between Norway and Flanders. A key finding is that the managers in both markets want policy makers to regulate digital platforms to secure level playing field, and that the Norwegian respondents had more positive experiences with co-regulation and expressed more trust in policy makers and policy instruments, compared to the Flemish. Despite the global players and the need for transnational solutions, regional variations in policy making still matters, and might inform the discussion about how to regulate the digital platforms.

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Section: Small Media Markets Different Media Systemsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Media policy for private media in the age of digital platforms

Enli

Raats

Syvertsen

et al. 2019

European Journal of Communication

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“…However, it would be ‘silly to deny’ (Hallin and Mancini, 2016: 163) that an important degree of convergence has taken place in European media systems toward the liberal model due to the introduction of commercial television and the decline of the party press, as well as changes in journalism conventions. Several Nordic scholars argue that Nordic media systems have become more liberal, as the structural bonds between the media and political parties are broken and state involvement in the media has diminished (Nord, 2008; Ohlsson, 2015; Ots et al, 2016; Rolland, 2008). Harðarson (2008) places the Icelandic media system within the democratic corporatist model along with the other Nordic countries; however, he makes a distinction between the old system that shares features with the polarized pluralist model and the new media system that has shifted toward the liberal model.…”

Section: Theoretical Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

Commercialization in the Icelandic Press: An analysis of hard and soft news in major print and online media in Iceland in times of change

Jóhannsdóttir

2018

Journalism

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This article examines the commercialization of content in print and online newspapers in Iceland over the past decade in the context of international trends. Market forces are said to be guiding the values and priorities of editorial decisions in news media in Western countries more than ever before. Traditional revenue models have been shattered and competition for audiences and advertising has intensified, not least because of technological changes. Research indicates that media in some countries are more resistant to commercialization than others and that online newspapers may be more susceptible to market pressures than print media. This study explores the amount and prominence of hard and soft news in the main Icelandic newspapers and their online counterparts in 2005, 2009, and 2013. The findings suggest that commercialization increased considerably in online newspapers that published significantly more soft news in 2013 compared to 2005. In print newspapers, the increase in soft news coverage was significantly less during the same period.

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“…Advocates of the liberal-democratic approach are more numerous outside the US, in places where traditions of public subsidy, noncommercial broadcasting, and adversarial reporting have cultivated a high regard for the role of journalism in politics (Allan 2010;Hallin and Mancini 2004;Preston 2009). This is perhaps most famously the case in the Nordic countries' "media welfare state" (Søndergaard and Helles 2014;Syvertsen et al 2014), though the spread of neoliberal dogma is an ever-present threat to public culture of that kind, too (Ots et al 2016). It is worth noting that the level of subsidy taxpayers provide there is equivalent to the subsidy given to journalism by the US post office in the nineteenth century (McChesney 2016).…”

Section: Contexts Responses and Shoddy Metaphorsmentioning

confidence: 99%

What Is Sustainable Journalism?

Berglez¹,

Olausson²,

Ots³

2017

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By definition, sustainability should be engaging-what could be more important than the endurance of the natural resources that allow for our very existence? But in journalism, as in life, the idea of sustainability has been besieged with misinformation; it's an idea that's just one eco-friendly lightbulb away from becoming a meaningless word used to greenwash buildings and products-along the lines of "all natural," or "organic" (Sobel Fitts 2013) This chapter focuses on the environmental impact of journalistic practices-yesterday and today. By this, we don't mean the metaphorical pollution caused by the digital economy burning down the paper-bound fourth estate. Rather, our aim is to provide an account of the material ecological connections between news reporting, distribution, and consumption-how the hardware and software that enable both paper-and digitally-based news and investigative journalism also contribute to global warming and other environmental harms. With news organizations becoming content "curation and monetization companies," as Tribune Publishing (2016) recently described itself, the medium in which journalism happens seems to matter less each day. But for eco-materialist researchers, it has always mattered-in terms of pollution, occupational health and safety, and global warming. Despite the current transition/crisis in print, radio, and TV news reporting, unsound ecological practices continue as before. This applies to advertising-based businesses and nonprofit enterprises, to print and electronic distribution systems, and to small and large-scale organizations alike. As we shall see, even the way environmental journalism is done, and environmental communication taught, ignores the ecological relationship between medium and message. If a crisis is potentially a productive as well as a destructive moment, most people involved in producing and teaching journalism have yet to catch on to either environmental risks or possibilities. Prior to exploring this in depth, we need to look at the current crisis in the bourgeois media of the Global North, and how it is defined in ways that paradoxically exclude such perspectives, because they are technologically deterministic in ways that deny eco-materialist perspectives. Contemporary discourse interprets the crisis as requiring market-based, individualistic solutions: every journalist must become an entrepreneur, a brand, a freelancer. One of the defining metaphors of the era is "sustainable journalism."0 F 1 This term does not refer to the environmental sustainability of journalistic practices, which we address below, but the search for sources of financial support. Recurrent clichés in this discourse, courtesy of pop-business books and academics-for-hire, include "quality journalism," "innovation," "the long tail," and "new business models." This group also invokes the more aptly named "entrepreneurial journalism," which seeks a "sustainable future for quality journalism" rooted in market criteria of individual prosperity and business acumen.1 F 2 Metaph...

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The Shifting Role of Value-Added Tax (VAT) as a Media Policy Tool: A Three-Country Comparison of Political Justifications

Cited by 21 publications

References 20 publications

Media policy for private media in the age of digital platforms

Media policy for private media in the age of digital platforms

Commercialization in the Icelandic Press: An analysis of hard and soft news in major print and online media in Iceland in times of change

What Is Sustainable Journalism?

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