The separation of accent and rhythm: evidence from StressTyp

Goedemans, Rob; Hülst, Harry van der

doi:10.1017/cbo9781139600408.006

Cited by 107 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 14 publications

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“…In many languages with iterative stress, the direction of primary-stress alignment coincides with the origin of foot iteration, and the primary stress occupies a foot type that looks the same as non-primary stress feet (Hammond 1985a, b, Hayes 1995. But asymmetries between primary and non-primary stresses are also robustly attested, as found, for example, in the work of Odden (1979), Bailey (1995), Hayes (1995), Hurch (1996), McGarrity (2003) and Goedemans & van der Hulst (2014). This paper considers the implications of this empirical diversity (which will be reviewed in detail in §2) specifically for the theory of primary stress, and more generally for metrical and prosodic theory.…”

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confidence: 70%

Parallelism within serialism: primary stress is different

Pruitt

2022

Phonology

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Primary word stress is typologically diverse. In some languages, the metrical structure of a word predicts the location of primary stress, while in other languages it does not. This diversity is considered through the lens of Harmonic Serialism (HS), a serial constraint-based theory, and it is argued that HS must incorporate a limited degree of parallelism to capture the typology. Namely, primary-stress assignment is simultaneous with foot-building and also mobile, being (re)assessed throughout a metrical derivation. But incorporating this parallelism into HS is both possible and desirable: the positive typological consequences of HS are preserved, and the implied formal divergence between the prosodic word and the foot with respect to parallelism echoes a fundamental distinction that is visible in a wide range of extant theoretical and empirical findings.

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confidence: 70%

Parallelism within serialism: primary stress is different

Pruitt

2022

Phonology

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“…In words of four or more syllables F0 starts high on the initial syllable and falls to the second syllable, but the difference in F0 between the first and second syllables is not statistically significant (four syllable words: p = 0.5; five syllable words: p > 0.1, six syllable words: p > 0.1). High F0 found on the initial syllable in words of four to six syllables is part of the rhythmic pattern [25], [26] found in longer words, which manifests itself in Georgian as alternation in rising and falling F0.…”

Section: Initial Syllablementioning

confidence: 92%

Word Stress and Phrase Accent in Georgian

Borise¹,

Zientarski²

2018

6th International Symposium on Tonal Aspects of Languages (TAL 2018)

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This paper investigates the properties of stress in Georgian (Kartvelian). There is no agreement in the literature as to the existence or location of stress in Georgian; initial, penultimate or antepenultimate syllables are often quoted as possible stress loci, with potentially more than one of these carrying stress in longer words. It has also been noted that the F0 contour of a word/phrase plays an important role in Georgian, leading to hypotheses that pitch might be the primary cue for stress in Georgian. This paper reports on a pilot study that contributes to disentangling these issues. It concludes Georgian has fixed initial stress, which is primarily duration-based and is easiest to detect in shorter words, while in longer words its durational effect is obscured by polysyllabic shortening. There is no evidence, however, for a similar duration-based stress-like target on the antepenultimate/ penultimate syllable. Instead, it is a pitch target that is part of the prosodic makeup of a phrase. The high importance of this pitch target for the prosodic felicity of an utterance, and the insignificant role that stress plays in the overall phonological make-up of Georgian, raise questions about the typological properties of the loci of wordlevel and phrase-level prominence.

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“…Such systems are also referred to as 'count systems' (van der Hulst 1996), and argued to be typologically rare (constituting only 8% of the 180 languages surveyed in Goedemans & van der Hulst 2014: 130). In contrast to this type, van der Hulst forwards a Primary Accent First (PAF) model (van der Hulst 1984, Goedemans & van der Hulst 2014, involving top-down parsing. Under this model, primary accent is independently assigned first and footing/rhythm is established only afterwards, either parasitic on the location of primary accent (i.e.…”

Section: Iterative Feet and Primary Accentmentioning

confidence: 99%

Morphologically Assigned Accent and an Initial Three-Syllable Window in Ese’eja

Rolle¹,

Vuillermet²

2018

The Study of Word Stress and Accent

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Introduction Within the typology of word prosody, there is a growing body of evidence for initial three syllable windows in which primary accent must be located on the first three syllables of the prosodic word (Caballero 2011, Kager 2012). In this paper, we argue that Ese'eja (Takanan; Bolivia/Peru) also demonstrates this rare type of window. We report on findings of a verbal accent study (Vuillermet 2012), which systematically documents the position of accent in a large number of inflected verbs, resulting in a corpus of nearly 2,000 verb forms. This corpus demonstrates a three syllable window, and reveals a complex but consistent system varying according to (1) stem syllable count, (2) root transitivity, and (3) the type of suffix added. Accent position cannot be accounted for by reference to purely phonological structure such as syllable count, the quantity of the syllable, the quality of the vowel, or the sonority of the onset. We decompose the Ese'eja metrical window into an interaction of morphologically-assigned accent patterns from various suffixes, using common OT constraints. We classify inflectional suffixes into dominant, recessive, and rightmost-preserving, and tense/mood suffixes in particular to different Suffix Accent Groups (SAGs). Each SAG type triggers a specific cophonology (Inkelas & Zoll 2007). SAGs 1 and 3 assign accent to the ultima of the stem, while SAGs 2 and 4 assign accent to the penult of the stem. Additionally, SAG 1 suffixes have a cophonology ranking which enforces the creation of iambs (RHTYPE=I >> RHTYPE=T), whereas SAGs 2/3/4 enforce trochees. After all inflectional material is added to the stem, iterative footing takes place resulting in rhythmic accent across the word. The leftmost foot in the word receives primary accent, and is realized with primary prominence phonetically. Because iterative footing and rhythmic accent are established before primary accent delegation, we therefore classify Ese'eja accent as a 'count system' with bottom-up parsing, and see it as challenging the Primary Accent First (PAF) model (van der Hulst 1996). We argue that the Ese'eja count system cannot be reduced to a prosodic system with only rhythm plus phrase edge prominence without primary word stress. Further, we contrast our analysis with that of Kager (2012) advocating for ternary feet with weak layering. The main difference between these approaches is that under our analysis, the relative ranking of RHTYPE constraints across co-phonologies accounts for the different patterns, whereas under ternary feet the main parameter involves the ranking of ALIGN-HD-L. Moreover, when morphologically-assigned accent falls outside of the initial three syllable window, we argue that Ese'eja demonstrates a novel type of repair, which we call 'rhythmic repair'. Under this type, when accent is assigned outside of the metrical window, primary prominence appears on a 1 Sincere thanks go first to the Ese'eja people who have engaged with this linguistic research, without whom none of this would be possible. We are...

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The separation of accent and rhythm: evidence from StressTyp

Cited by 107 publications

References 14 publications

Parallelism within serialism: primary stress is different

Parallelism within serialism: primary stress is different

Word Stress and Phrase Accent in Georgian

Morphologically Assigned Accent and an Initial Three-Syllable Window in Ese’eja

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