S tudents of American politics have applied considerable energy in recent years to explaining the politics of advice and consent under the U.S. Constitution. Spatial models of advice and consent have offered an analytically precise way to think about the impact of senators' and presidents' policy preferences on the selection and confirmation of presidential appointees.1 For those studies that examine appointments to the federal courts, most models treat the Senate as a unitary actor governed by the Senate median or focus on a particular veto player within the chamber.2 These studies often find that accounting for the preferences of an additional pivot beyond the Senate median can be consequential for our understanding of confirmation outcomes.Formal Senate rules and informal practices, however, extend blocking authority to a wide range of senators beyond the Senate median and a single other pivotal senator. When the Senate considers nominations to the The authors wish to thank Shelly Goldman, Eric Lawrence, Keith Krehbiel, Larry Rothenberg, and Chuck Shipan for comments and advice, and Matt Jacobsmeier, Alan Murphy, and Molly Reynolds for research assistance. 2 Studies that highlight the Senate median include Krehbiel (2007) and Moraski and Shipan (1999). Studies that isolate the impact of a particular veto point include Wright (1998), Cameron, Cover, andSegal (1990) federal bench, formal and informal rules dictate that nominees must secure the consent of multiple potential veto players-including committee and party medians, as well as home-state senators for the court vacancy and the senators capable of sustaining a filibuster against confirmation. In this article, we seek a richer theoretical understanding of the forces that shape confirmation contests, elaborating competing spatial models that incorporate the preferences of pivotal players in isolation as well as in different combinations. We apply the lessons of our theoretical findings to confirmation outcomes for the U.S. Courts of Appeals and the U.S. District Courts between 1975 and 2006. We find that rules and practices that endow majority parties with agenda-setting advantages in executive session and that require supermajorities to cut off debate are most consequential for explaining patterns of confirmation outcomes over the past three decades. These veto powers typically outstrip the informal