The Self-Exempting Activist: Sweden and the International Human Rights Regime

Schaffer, Johan Karlsson

doi:10.1080/18918131.2020.1773065

Cited by 21 publications

(2 citation statements)

References 1 publication

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“…Because of the dualistic approach to the application of international law, the Swedish government maintains a degree of sovereignty. Therefore, international regulations are not implemented directly into national law but are adapted to control the impact domestically (Schaffer 2020). The European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR 1950) and the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC 1989) are the only international conventions directly incorporated into Swedish law, but Sámi have gained little legal standing from either convention (Koivurova 2011).…”

Section: Domestic Implementation Of Indigenous Rights In Finland and ...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Indigenous rights, social media and protest movements in Sápmi

Kyllönen,

Kirchner,

Poelzer

et al. 2024

Miner Econ

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Following the rush to minerals that would enable the shift towards green economies, the Sámi homeland is quickly becoming a crucible for the rising tensions surrounding the potential for new mining projects and large-scale infrastructure projects. The roots of these conflicts date back to the colonization of the north and continue in the present with the ongoing fight to maintain the Sámi heritage, language and culture, and increasingly to gain ownership of their lands. What initially began as activism within the legal system has, on occasions, transformed into outright protests. Social media increasingly plays a key role in disseminating the message of Indigenous protest among the protesters themselves and feeding into the national and international mainstream media. This shift occurs simultaneously with the construction of a dual narrative, constituted of both land-use protest and intensified demands for Indigenous rights, including, first and foremost, the right to self-determination. Drawing from Social media theory literature and the concepts of political opportunity structures (POS) and legal opportunity structures (LOS), this study argues that social media is one of the most essential tools used by Sámi activists to raise awareness about issue-based protests as well as to communicate demands for the right to self-determination when legal and political opportunity structures are not enough to support the cause. The power of social media lies in its accessibility, immediacy and visuality, which is illustrated in the article via specific examples of mining and railway construction protests in Finland and Sweden. Social media does not replace older tools, such as international human rights litigation, but their use can complement existing strategies for defending and advancing Indigenous rights.

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Section: Domestic Implementation Of Indigenous Rights In Finland and ...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Indigenous rights, social media and protest movements in Sápmi

Kyllönen,

Kirchner,

Poelzer

et al. 2024

Miner Econ

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show abstract

“…These efforts do not necessarily reflect, however, a particularly pro-Turkish slant in Sweden's foreign policy. Rather, Sweden's efforts to democratise Turkey exist within a broader set of policies of promoting democracy (Schaffer, 2020).…”

Section: Genocide Recognition Efforts In Swedish Parliamentmentioning

confidence: 99%

Sweden's ‘complicated’ relationship with genocide recognition

Fittante

2022

Acta Sociologica

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Scholars have unpacked the rhetorically nuanced ways political actors alter state narratives in resisting pressure to comply with international norms. But many of these rhetorical strategies apply in other contexts, where there exists sufficient norm ambiguity, too. For example, in response to Turkey's long-standing denialism, many governments have been asked to recognise the Armenian Genocide (or 1915 Genocide of Christians in the Ottoman Empire). But, because there exists no clear international norm about recognising genocides perpetuated by other states, even some of the most unlikely government officials adapt their rhetoric to resist recognition and pursue ulterior foreign policy objectives. Building on Dixon's rhetorical adaptation framework, this article argues that, between 1999 and 2021, Swedish political actors often adapted their rhetoric in ways similar to Turkish officials as a result of the normative ambiguity of states recognising the Armenian Genocide. In explaining why Sweden consistently resisted Genocide recognition efforts, this analysis focuses on its larger foreign policy commitments of spreading democracy in Turkey and managing the Syrian refugee crisis.

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Binds and Bridges to Protection in Crisis: The Case of Unaccompanied Refugee Youth from Afghanistan in Sweden

Bucken-Knapp

Zelano

2023

Migration and Integration in a Post-Pandemic World

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The Self-Exempting Activist: Sweden and the International Human Rights Regime

Cited by 21 publications

References 1 publication

Indigenous rights, social media and protest movements in Sápmi

Indigenous rights, social media and protest movements in Sápmi

Sweden's ‘complicated’ relationship with genocide recognition

Binds and Bridges to Protection in Crisis: The Case of Unaccompanied Refugee Youth from Afghanistan in Sweden

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