The <scp>npt</scp> &amp; the sources of nuclear restraint

Potter, William C.

doi:10.1162/daed.2010.139.1.68

Cited by 16 publications

(6 citation statements)

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“…In this area, scholars have argued that norms have powerfully shaped states' decisions to produce, use, or agree to limit chemical weapons (Price 1997), biological weapons (Cole 1998), cluster munitions (Bolton and Nash 2010), landmines (Cottrell 2009;Price 1998), and a multiplicity of other "unconventional" weapons. Other research stresses the importance of formal agreements against proliferation, codified in the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) (Müller and Schmidt 2010;Potter 2010). A growing literature has explored the evolution and effects of nuclear norms, for example on governments' decisions about the acquisition of nuclear weapons.…”

Section: Nuclear Norms and The Logic Of Appropriatenessmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Some scholars maintain that the growth of global anti-nuclear norms has made nuclear acquisition unappealing to the political elite in many countries—in some cases because the elite genuinely endorse these anti-nuclear norms and in other cases because they fear the political or commercial consequences of violating the international norm (Rublee 2009; Sagan 1996; Solingen 2007). Other research stresses the importance of formal agreements against proliferation, codified in the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) (Müller and Schmidt 2010; Potter 2010). A significant number of scholars, however, have also cautioned against overstating the causal power of norms in this area, arguing that the national security interests of governments and the psychology of specific leaders also play a key role (Hymans 2006; Sagan 2011; Singh and Way 2004).…”

Section: Nuclear Norms and The Logic Of Appropriatenessmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Atomic Aversion: Experimental Evidence on Taboos, Traditions, and the Non-Use of Nuclear Weapons

2013

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H ow strong are normative prohibitions on state behavior? We examine this question by analyzing anti-nuclear norms, sometimes called the "nuclear taboo," using an original survey experiment to evaluate American attitudes regarding nuclear use. We find that the public has only a weak aversion to using nuclear weapons and that this aversion has few characteristics of an "unthinkable" behavior or taboo. Instead, public attitudes about whether to use nuclear weapons are driven largely by consequentialist considerations of military utility. Americans' willingness to use nuclear weapons increases dramatically when nuclear weapons provide advantages over conventional weapons in destroying critical targets. Americans who oppose the use of nuclear weapons seem to do so primarily for fear of setting a negative precedent that could lead to the use of nuclear weapons by other states against the United States or its allies in the future.

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Section: Nuclear Norms and The Logic Of Appropriatenessmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Nuclear Norms and The Logic Of Appropriatenessmentioning

confidence: 99%

Atomic Aversion: Experimental Evidence on Taboos, Traditions, and the Non-Use of Nuclear Weapons

2013

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“…The fatwa of September 2003 was instrumental in legitimising Iran's acceptance of the Additional Protocol a couple of months later. For a reference to existing studies and an overall assessment of this issue, see Potter (2010). An exception was made for North Korea.…”

Section: Abbreviationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation

2020

United Nations Disarmament Yearbook 2019: Part II

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This book examines the current debate on nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament, notably the international non-proliferation regime and how to implement its disarmament provisions.Discussing the requirements of a new international consensus on nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation, this book builds on the three pillars of the nuclear non-proliferation treaty (NPT): non-proliferation, disarmament and peaceful uses of nuclear energy. It reviews the impact of Cold War and post-Cold War policies on current disarmament initiatives and analyses contemporary proliferation problems: how to deal with the states that never joined the NPT (India, Pakistan and Israel); how states that have been moving towards nuclear weapons have been brought back to non-nuclear-weapon status; and, in particular, how to deal with Iran and North Korea. The analysis centres on the relationship between disarmament and non-proliferation in an increasingly multi-centric world involving China and India as well as the US, the European powers and Russia. It concludes with a description and discussion of three different worlds without nuclear weapons and their implications for nuclear-disarmament policies.This book will be of great interest to all students of arms control, strategic studies, war and conflict studies, and IR/security studies in general.

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“…Taken together, however, the available evidence suggests that the postwar order and U.S. military power have worked together to play a leading role in achieving gains in security. 53 See, for example, Potter, 2010;Rublee, 2009;and Reiter, 2014. 54 On the nuclear taboo, see Tannenwald, 2007.…”

Section: Summary: the Security Value Of The Ordermentioning

confidence: 99%

Testing the Value of the Postwar International Order

Mazarr¹,

Rhoades²

2018

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This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions.The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest.RAND's publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors.Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication.ISBN: 978-0-8330-9977-8 For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR2226Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2018 RAND CorporationR® is a registered trademark.iii PrefaceThis project was sponsored by the Office of Net Assessment, Office of the Secretary of Defense, and conducted within the International Security and Defense Policy Center of the RAND National Defense Research Institute, a federally funded research and development center sponsored by the Office of the Secretary of Defense, the Joint Staff, the Unified Combatant Commands, the Navy, the Marine Corps, the defense agencies, and the defense Intelligence Community. For more information on the RAND International Security and Defense Policy Center, see www.rand.org/nsrd/ndri/centers/isdp or contact the director (contact information is provided on the web page). SummarySince 1945, the United States has pursued its interests in part through the creation and maintenance of international economic institutions, global organizations including the United Nations and G-7, bilateral and regional security organizations including alliances, and liberal political norms that collectively are often referred to as the "international order." In recent years, rising powers have begun to challenge aspects of this order. This report is based on a RAND project, entitled "Building a Sustainable International Order," that aims to understand the existing order, assess its status and current challenges, and recommend future U.S. policies. The study has produced multiple reports and essays. 1 Other analyses in the study have defined the order, assessed its current status, and pointed to alternative structures for future world orders, as well as evaluating the approaches of specific countries to the order. The purpose of this report is very specific: to evaluate the order's value-to assess its role in promoting U.S. goals and interests, a...

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The npt & the sources of nuclear restraint

Cited by 16 publications

References 2 publications

Atomic Aversion: Experimental Evidence on Taboos, Traditions, and the Non-Use of Nuclear Weapons

Atomic Aversion: Experimental Evidence on Taboos, Traditions, and the Non-Use of Nuclear Weapons

Nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation

Testing the Value of the Postwar International Order

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